* Andries Luycaszen Andriessen
- Born: 1594, Frederickstad, Denmark
- Marriage: Jannetje Sebyns about 1617 in Amsterdam, Noord-Holland, Netherlands
- Died: 1680, New Amsterdam at age 86
Noted events in his life were:
• Immigration, 1628. My family and I immigrated to New Amsterdam where I worked for the Dutch West Indies Company. Immigration: MARCH 1638 New Amsterdam, the Dutch Colony (colony renamed in 1664 to New York) 1637 . . . On the Kalmer Nyckel. (Calmer Sleutel, Key of Kalmar). Left Gothenburg beginning of November. Sailed from the Texel December 29, 1637. Arrived at New Amsterdam March, 1638. Captain Jan Hendrixsz van der Water. Persons sailing to the De laware River Area: 1. Pieter Minuit. Commander under the crown of Sweden, the "First Swedish Expedition". 2. Hendrick Huygen, commissioner To take the place of Peter Minuit in his absence. 3. Mans Nilsson Kling. Surveyed the land upon arrival in New Sweden and made a map of the whole river area. This map is in the Royal Archives of Sweden. He remained at the fort in command of the 23 men who came on the voyage. He returned to Swede n on the Second Expedition in 1640, and came back to New Sweden on the Kalmer Nyckel in 1641, to serve as lieutenant. He returned home to the Fatherland in the Swan, 1648, and remained in Sweden. 4. Twenty three Men under the command of Mans Kling. 5. Reorus Torkillus, Reverend of East Gothland, clergyman. ** 6. Andres Lucassen, interpreter
Andries Luycaszen was a sea captain. The earliest documentary evidence found for Andries being in the New World is 1638 when he was the "upper boatswain" on the ship 'Key of Calmar'. He also had some linguistic fluency as he was used as an interpr eter with the Native American.
1647 . . . Source: Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Volume XIV, page 94: There is a mention of Andries Luycassen, aged 53. This reference is dated 1647, making his birth about 1594.
1648 . . . Records at the New Amsterdam Dutch Church: 1648 Jul 19; Jan Janszen Van Breestede; Jannettie; Andries Lucaszen, Engeltje Jans Van Breestede, Elsje Ariaen. was married to his daughter, Maritie.
1651 . . . Records at the New Amsterdam Dutch Church: 1651 Sep 03; Andries Harpertszen; Johannes; Andries Lucaszen, Pieter Cornelis Van der Veen, Anneken Bogardus, Geertruydt Jans.
Description of The New Netherlands. By Adriaen Van Der Jonck,J.U.D. Translated From The Original Dutch. By Hon. Jeremiah Johnson. (page 187-188). The citrull or water_citron, (citerullen ofte water-limoenen,) also grows there, a fruit that we hav e not in the Netherlands, and is only known from its being occasionally brought. [The water-melon, as it is now called]. This fruit grows more rapidly and in greater abundance than melons, so much so that some plant them, even among those who ar e experienced, for the purpose of clearing and bringing into subjection the wild undressed land to fit it for cultivation. Their juice is very sweet like that of apricots, and most men there, would eat six water-citrons to one melon, although the y who wish can have both. They grow ordinarily to the size of a man's head. I have seen them as large as the biggest Leyden cabbages, but in general they are somewhat oblong. Within they are white or red; the red have white, and the white blac k seeds. When they are to be eaten, the rind is cut off to about the thickness of the finger; all the rest is good, consisting of a spongy pulp, full of liquor, in which the seeds are imbedded, and if the fruit is sound and fully ripe, it melt s as soon as it enters the mouth, and nothing is left but the seeds. Women and children are very fond of this fruit. It is also quite refreshing from its coolness, and is used as a beverage in many places. I have heard the English say that the y obtain a liquor from it resembling Spanish wine, but not so strong. Then there is no want of sweetness, and the vinegar that is made from it will last long, and is so good that some among them make great use of it. ----------------------------
Immigrants to New Netherland
1637 In the Kalmer Nyckel (Calmer Sleutel, Key of Kalmar) Left Gothenburg beginning of November Sailed from the Texel December 29, 1637 Arrived at New Amsterdam March, 1638 Captain Jan Hendrixsz van der Water
6 Persons to the Colony of Rensselaerswyck:\super1\nosupersub
Arent van Curler From Nykerck, (in the province of Gelderland); sailed as assistant to Jacob Albertsz Planck by den Calmer Sleutel, at the age of 18 years. May 12, 1639, he was commissioned secretary and bookkeeper of the colony, and from 1642 to 1644 he held the office of commis. He sailed for Holland by het Wapen van Rensselaerswyck, Oct. 20, 1644, having married, probably in 1643, Anthonia Slachboom, or Slaghboom, whom O'Callaghan, apparently on the strength of van Curler's statement, History of New Netherland, 1:464, has identified with Teuntje Jeuriaens, the widow of Jonas Bronck. Sept. 30, 1647, while van Curler was still in Holland, he obtained a lease for six years of the farm called de Vlackte, but May 5, 1649, this lease was transferred to Jacob Jansz, from Stoutenburch. Van Curler returned to New Netherland probably at the end of 1647 and on the arrival of Director van Slichtenhorst, early in 1648, was nominated as Gecommitteerde, but various circumstances prevented his accepting the office and taking the oath till Jan. 5, 1651. In the accounts he is credited with an annual salary of f200, as Gecommitteerde and raetsvrint, from July 1, 1652 to July 1, 1655, and with an annual salary of f200, as gecommitteerde, from 1655 to 1658. Sept. 9, 1650, on the petition of the inhabitants of the colony, Arent van Curler and Goossen Gerritsz were appointed trustees of voluntary contributions for the erection of a school, and Sept. 23, 1650, van Curler was chosen to go with others on an embassy to the Maquaes. He became one of the leaders in the settlement of Schenectady in 1661-62, and was drowned on Lake Champlain in 1667.
Claes Jansz From Nykerck, (province of Gelderland); was a tailor by trade and sailed with Arent van Curler by den Calmer Sleutel, at the age of 17 years. Appears in New Sweden as a freeman March 1, 1648.
Elbert Elbertsz From Nykerck, (in the province of Gelderland); was a weaver by trade and sailed by den Calmer Sleutel, at the age of 18 years. In 1646 he married Aeltje Cornelis, the widow of Gerrit Wolphertsz. (N.Y.Col.Mss, 2:152)
Gerrit Hendricksz From Nykerck, (province of Gelderland); shoemaker, sailed with Arent van Curler by den Calmer Sleutel, at the age of 15 years. He was engaged for six years, at wages ranging from f40 to f100 a year; his first three years' wages, from April 2, 1638, to April 2, 1641, are charged to Albert Andriesz. He does not appear in the records of the colony after 1642.
Gijsbert Adriaensz From Bunnick, (near Utrecht); sailed on den Calmer Sleutel, at the age of 22, and was engaged as farm servant for six years, at wages ranging from f80 to f110 a year. He served for four years, beginning April 2, 1638, on the farm of Brant Peelen; for 3/4 year on the farm of Teunis Dircksz; and for 1 1/4 years, jointly with Sander Leendersz, in running the colony's yacht Rensselaerswyck. He was a brother of Rutger Adriaensz, the tailor, who appears first in 1646.
Jacob Aertsz From Utrech; referred to as Jacob Aertsz Wagenaer, and also as Jacob Adriacnsz Wagenaer (the wagoner): sailed on den Calmer Sleutel, Dec. 1637, at the age of 25, as farm servant for Albert Andriesz. He served for 1 1/4 years at the Manhatans and June 26, 1639, began his service in the colony, for the term of six years, at wages ranging from f90 to f120 a year. He is charged in the accounts with supplies furnished by Albert Andriesz, but is entered as servant of Cornelis Maesen. April 2, 1648, the court ordered him to serve Evert Pels for one year, so as to complete his term. Feb. 23, 1649, he appeared before the court on the charge of having the preceding day, with Jacob Adriaensz Raedemaecker (wheelwright) and Harmen Bastiaensz, prevented Director van Slichtenhorst from arresting Jacob Toenijs, servant of Jan Verbeeck, in the Greenen Bos.
Persons sailing to the Delaware River Area:
Pieter Minuit Commander under the crown of Sweden,\super 1\nosupersub the "First Swedish Expedition" [see First Settlers in New Netherland <nnifirst.html> for his first voyage to the New World and biographical notice.]
Hendrick Huygen, commissioner To take the place of Peter Minuit in his absence.
Mans Nilsson Kling Surveyed the land upon arrival in New Sweden and made a map of the whole river area. This map is in the Royal Archives of Sweden. He remained at the fort in command of the 23 men who came on the voyage. He returned to Sweden on the Second Expedition in 1640, and came back to New Sweden on the Kalmer Nyckel in 1641 <shsw3kn.html>, to serve as lieutenant. \super 2\nosupersub He returned home to the Fatherland in the Swan, 1648, and remained in Sweden.
23 Men under the command of Mans Kling
Reorus Torkillus, Reverend of East Gothland, clergyman\super 2\nosupersub
Andres Lucassen, interpreter
Crew Michel Symonssen, first mate Jacob Evertssen Sandelin, second mate, a Scotchman Peter Johansson, Upper boatswain Johan Jochimson, gunner Herman Andersson, sailor * Johan Svensson, sailor * Sander Clerck, sailor *
*It has been said that there were no Swedish sailors along on the first voyage, but Andersson and Swensson were Swedes and probably Clerk also. They were dead in 1640 and their widows, who lived in Stockholm, were paid a small amount of money by the company.
Supplies sent with the ship Several thousand yards of duffels and other cloth. Several hundred axes, hatchets and adzes, several hundred knives. Dozens of tobacco pipes, mirrors and looking-glasses. Gilded chains and finger-rings, combs, ear-rings and other ornaments for the Indians. Spades, hoes and other implements for use in the country.
For the Rensselaerswyck Colony:\super 1\nosupersub An old mates chest containing 30 Hainault scythes, 14 scythes and 12 iron spades. One barrel of pitch, well hooped 2 barrels of tar 2 barrels of salt 5 packing boxes, contents according to manifest 3 wooden boxes, contents according to manifest A large wicker hamper with wooden utensils 5 winnowing baskets tied together; a small barrel with grapevines for the Commander. A long box with firelocks; herewith, a keg with 50 lb of fine gunpowder.
[With a letter to Jacob Planck in New Netherland, which states Commander Pieter Minuit, by reason of old acquaintance through his kindness has made accommodations in his ships, sailing from Gortenborch (Gothenburg) Sweden, has on account of the storm been obliged to seek shelter at the Texel.]\super 1\nosupersub
\super 1\nosupersubVan Rensselaer Bowier Mss, pg 389-97 \super 2\nosupersubA History of New Sweden, Israel Acrelius, 1874, p 24.
Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, Amandus Johnson, 1911, p112, 154, 182, 184, 194, 710, 758.
• Occupation, 1638. I was an upper boatswain (petty officer in charge of the deck crew) on the ship named "Key of Calmar." I was often requested to accompany leaders of the Dutch West Indies as an interpreter with the Native Americans.
• Scott's Raid, 28 Sep 1648. I had to give a legal description of what occurred during the "Scott's Raid. I signed my name to this report and listed my age as 53.
• Biography. From Genealogies of Kentucky Families, "The Ancestry of Jell Bell Hood," by W.T. Black p. 512 "The first record we have of Andries Lucaszen was a declaration he made before Cornelius van Tienhoven 28 Sept. 1648 in behalf of Govert Loockermans in which he gave his age as 53. In the declaration he stated that he had been with Govert Loockermans in his bark long the north coast from New Amsterdam to Pahehetock, Crommegou (now Gardiner's Bay) and New Haven, but that he did not see Govert Loockermans trading guns, powder or lead with the Indians, except to give Chief Rochbou, in the Crommegou, about a pound of powder. Andries Lucaszen signed this statement, as well as some other documents, with his mark which resembled a printed "4" with a verticle mark crossing the horizontal line and an "X" on the verticle line. He was a gauger of barrels and also a fire warden. On April 17, 1657 he appeared and registered as a Lesser Burger in New Amsterdam. Andries Lucaszen had at least one other child,a daughter, who, as Marritje Lucas, married Jans Janszen van Breestede 1 Nov. 1647. He was one of the sponsors for Janetje, their first child, 19 July 1648. As one of the sponsors for the fourth child, Engel, 29 Nov. 1654 there was one Jan Andrieszen who might have been a son of Andries Lucaszen. Lucas Andrieszen was sponsor for the second child, Wouter, 25 Dec. 1650. In all the baptismal records the mother's name was always given as Marritje Andries. She was sponsor for three of the children of her brother Lucas Andrieszen, and her husband, Jan Janszen van Breestede acted as sponsor twice."
Andries was in New Netherland very early. He was a firewarden, burgher and gauger of barrels. He was called "Skipper," indicating that he was the skipper of sailing ships trading on the Hudson River in and out of New Amsterdam. In 1648 he was wounded in the face by a pistol shot by an Indian. His children took various surnames - Andries, Luycas, Andrieszen, Andriessen. From: "Dick Rose" <drose@en.com <mailto:drose@en.com>> Subject: [OHCAGG-L] Re: Andriesson Ancestors Date: Sun, 6 Dec 1998 09:08:09 -0500
• History. The first vessel under the control of white men whose prow ever ruffled the bosom of the great sheet of water now known to the world as Delaware Bay was the "Half Moon" ("Halvemann"), of eighty tons burden, an exploring vessel belonging to the Dutch East India Company, commanded by Henry Hudson. The log-book of Robert Jewett, the mate, records that about noon of Friday, Aug. 28, 1609, a warm, clear day, "we found the land to tend away N. W. with a great bay and river." The lead line, however, disclosing many shoal places, the vessel, next morning, was put about and steered on a southeast course, the officers being convinced that "he that will thoroughly explore this great bay must have a small pinnace that must draw but four or five feet water, to sound before him." The following year Sir Samuel Argall is said to have entered the bay; and in honor of Thomas West, Lord De La War, the then Governor of Virginia, he named it Delaware Bay. In 1610, Lord Delaware, it is stated, himself visited it, and again in 1618, when he died on his vessel when off the Capes. In 1614, Capt. Cornelius Jacobsz Mey, in the "Fortune," a vessel owned by the city of Hoorn, entered the bay, and in commemoration of his visit Cape Cornelius and Cape May between them still bear his name. Two years subsequent to Mey's voyage, Capt. Cornelius Hendrickson, in a small yacht, the "Restless," is positively asserted by some historians - and the statement is almost as positively denied by others - to have explored the Delaware as far as where the Schuylkill empties into the former river. If it be true that Capt. Hendrickson did actually sail up the stream to the place named, he was the first European of whom we have record that saw any part of the land now comprising the county of Delaware, for this vessel moved along the river the entire length of our southeastern boundary, and he must have noticed the localities where afterwards was planted that germ of civilization from which has evolved the great commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The history of the various attempts of the Dutch and Swedish powers to establish permanent lodgment on the Delaware is a most interesting theme to the student of our colonial annals. Especially is this true since the indefatigable labors of the members of the Historical Societies of Pennsylvania, New York, and New Jersey have unearthed in recent years a number of authentic documents and historical papers whose very existence was unknown, which now shed much light on those early days of adventurous colonization. But the scope of this work forbids other than a brief narrative of those events excepting where, happening wholly within the territory now comprising Delaware County, they become part of the immediate story of this locality. In 1621, in Holland, was incorporated the great West India Company, which while its object was a monopoly of the trade of the territory where it might locate posts simply for barter with the savages, the practical results of its efforts was the establishment of a permanent colony in New York and, in a measure, the settlement of the Delaware. Under the auspices of this company, in 1624, Capt. Mey located a garrison \super 1\nosupersub near the mouth of Timber Creek, Gloucester Co., N. J., and built Fort Nassau, which post was abandoned the year following. Nevertheless the Dutch company did now relinquish its purpose of making a permanent lodgment on the Delaware, and with that end in view, Samuel Goodyn and Samuel Bloemmaert in 1631 purchased from three of the chiefs of the resident tribe of Indians a large tract of land, sixteen miles square, extending from Cape Henlopen northward towards the mouth of the river. To this purchase - athough it was not made until after the arrival of the vessel in the winter of 1630-31, which was remarkably mild - Capt. Peter Hayes, in the ship "Walrus," conveyed a small colony, which he located on Lewes Creek, designed to establish a whale- and seal-fishery station there, as well as plantations for the cultivation of tobacco and grain. The settlement was called Swanendale, or "Valley of Swans," because of the great number of those birds in the neighborhood. After the erection of Fort Oplandt, and surrounding it with palisades, Capt. Peter Heyes sailed for Holland, leaving Gillis Hossett, commissary of the ship, in command of the territory. Early in 1632 it was determined that David Pietersen De Vries, one of the patroons of the company and experienced navigator, should repair to the colony on the Delaware with a number of emigrants, to join those already there; but before the expedition sailed from the Texel, May 24th of that year, the rumor was received that the little colony at Swanendale had been massacred by the Indians. The truth of this intelligence was established when De Vries entered the Delaware, after a circuitous passage, on the 5th of December following, and a careful exploration was made in a boat the next day. The fort was found a charred ruin, while the bones of the settlers and those of the horses and cows were discovered here and there bleaching in the sun. The adroit De Vries, however, managed to secure the confidence of the Indians, and induced one of the natives to remain all night on his vessel, from whom he learned the circumstances connected with the massacre. The particulars, as so related by the Indians, are thus recorded by De Vries:\super 2\nosupersub "He then showed us the place where our people had set up a column to which was fastened a piece of tin, whereon the arms of Holland were painted. One of their chiefs took this off, for the purpose of making tobacco-pipes, not knowing that he was doing amiss. Those in command at the house made such an ado about it that the Indians, not knowing how it was, went away and slew the chief who had done it, and brought a token of the dead to the house to those in command, who told them that they wished that they had not done it; that they should have brought him to them, as they wished to have forbidden him not to do the like again. They went away, and the friends of the murdered chief incited their friends, as they are a people like the Indians, who are very revengeful, to set about the work of vengence. Observing our people out of the house, each one at his work, that there was not more than one inside, who was lying sick, and a large mastiff, who was chained, - had he been loose they would not have dared to approach the house, - and the man who had command standing near the house, three of the stoutest Indians, who were to do the deed, bringing a lot of bear-skins with them to exchange, sought to enter the house. The man in charge went in with them to make the barter, which being done, he went to the loft where the stores lay, and in descending the stairs one of the Indians seized an axe and cleft his head so that he fell down dead. They also relieved the sick man of life, and shot into the dog, who was chained fast, and whom they most feared, twenty-five arrows before they could dispatch him. They then proceeded towards the rest of the men, who were at work, and, going amongst them with pretensions of friendship, struck them down. Thus was our young colony destroyed, causing us serious loss." On Jan. 1, 1633, De Vries, who by divers presents had so won the good opinion and friendship of the Indians that they concluded a treaty of peace with him, sailed up the river, and on the 5th of the same month reached the abandoned Fort Nassau, where he was met by a few Indians, who seeing him approaching, had gathered there to barter furs. The Dutch captain told them he wanted beans, and that he had no goods to exchange for peltries, whereupon the savages told him to go to Timmerkill (now Cooper's Creek, opposite Philadelphia), where he could get corn. An Indian woman to whom he had given a cloth dress secretly informed De Vries that if he went there he would be attacked, for the natives had murdered the crew of an English boat which was ascending the Count Earnest (Delaware) River. Thus fully on his guard, the next day when De Vries went to Timmerkill he permitted the Indians to visit his vessel, at the same time informing the savages that their evil designs had been revealed to him by Maintou, the Indian god. After making a treaty of permanent peace with them, being unable to obtain corn in any quantity on the Delaware, De Vries sailed to Virginia, where he purchased provisions and received from the Governor a present of six goats for Swanendale, to which he returned, and subsequently taking the colonists on his vessel, sailed to New York and thence to Europe. Hence, in the summer of 1633 no settlement of Europeans was located at any point along the shores of Delaware Bay and River. In 1635 a party of Englishman from the colony on the Connecticut River, consisting of George Holmes, his hired man, Thomas Hall, and ten or twelve others, attempted to make a lodgment on the Delaware, of which fact the Dutch authorities in New York seemed to have had information, and made preparation to thwart their design, for when the English squatters made an effort to capture Fort Nassau they found it garrisoned. The English party were taken prisoners and sent to Manhattan, where they were permitted permanently to settle. Thomas Hall, at the latter place, rose to some eminence, and was active in all the movements in the early days of New York while it was a Dutch province. In 1624, William Usselinex visited Sweden, and as as it was he who had drafted the first plan for the Dutch West India Company, he was invited by Gustavus Adolphus to remain in Sweden. Although advanced in years, in 1626, Usselinex obtained from the king a charter for the Swedish West India Company, a commercial organization, whose project of forming a colony in "foreign parts" received the earnest support of Gustavus Adolphus and Axel Oxenstierna, the great chancellor of Sweden. But nothing beyond the consent of Adolphus to the organization of the company seems to have been done, and even the official royal signature to the charter was never procured. Hence, after the death of the king the company was dissolved and the whole project apparently was abandoned, notwithstanding a publication of the privileges granted by charter, although unsigned by the late monarch, was made by Chancellor Oxenstierna. This was the external appearance merely, for several persons were still earnest in the effort to establish the Swedish West India Company. It is peculiar circumstance that as late as the middle of the year 1635 the objective-point of the proposed expedition seemed to have been undetermined, the coast of Guinea and that of Brazil being under consideration, while the eastern coast of North America apparently offered no attractions whatever. In the summer of 1635, Peter Minuit, who had some knowledge of the territory on the Delaware, entered into correspondence with the Swedish authorities, and early in 1637 he went to Sweden, where, after many difficulties, on Aug. 9, 1637, the Admiralty issued a passport for the ships "Kalmar Nyckel" and "Gripen," the former a man-of-war, and the latter a sloop, or tender, which vessels comprised Minuit's fleet, the first Swedish expedition. It is stated in a Dutch state paper that Minuit's colonists were "Swedes, the most of whom were banditti."\super 1\nosupersub Unforeseen delays followed, until the winter was near at hand before the expedition finally made sail for the New World, after having put into the Dutch harbor of Medemblik for repairs. It is stated by Professor Odhner,\super 2\nosupersub of Sweden, that documentary evidence seems to establish the fact that the fleet arrived in the Delaware in March or early in April, 1638. Minuit about that time, it is known, purchased from the Indians a tract of land several day's journey in extent, located on the west bank of the river, whereon he set up the arms of Sweden, and with a salvo of artillery christened the fort he began building, near the present site of Wilmington, the "Kristina," in honor of the youthful queen whose flag he was the first to unfold on the American continent. The river Christiana retains the name thus bestowed on the fort - for Minuit called that stream the Elbe - to this day. Within the palisade were built two log houses, for the accommodation of the soldiers and for the storage of provisions. After the little settlement had been provided with all the necessities to sustaain life, and for barter with the Indians, Lieut. Maus Kling was placed in command of the garrison and Minuit, in July, 1638, sailed for Sweden, touching in his homeward voyage at the West Indies, where the sloop "Gripen" had preceded him. At St. Christopher he sold all the merchandise on the "Kalmer Nyckel," and in place of the cargo he had taken to the island loaded the vessel with tobacco. When ready to sail Minuit and the captain of his vessel were invited to visit a Dutch ship, "The Flying Deer," and while on board of the latter a furious hurricane arose, compelling all the vessels in the roadstead to go to sea. Several of the ships were dismasted, while others were lost, among the latter "The Flying Deer." She was never afterwards heard from. The "Kalmar Nyckel" made search for the missing Swedish officers, but, learning no tidings of them, after several days sailed for Europe. The sloop "Gripen" subsequently returned from the West Indies to the Delaware, where she was loaded with furs, and sailed for Sweden, reaching there in the latter part of May, 1639, having made the passage in five weeks. Penna. Archives, 2d series, vol. v. p. 236. \super 2\nosupersub "The Founding of New Sweden" (Penn. Mag. of History, vol. iii. p. 279) is a mine of interesting information on the early settlements of the Delaware River. The same year Cornelius Van Vliet, a Dutch captain, was ordered to proceed in the "Kalmar Nyckel" to New Sweden, learn the condition of the colony, and make report of the country, no report having been made by Minuit, as it was the purpose of Queen Christina to people the land with Swedes. To the latter end an effort was made to obtain willing emigrants, but failing in that, the government ordered the Governors of Elfsborg and Varmland "to lay hands on such marriaged soldiers as had either evaded service or committed some other offence, and transport them, with their wives and children, to New Sweden, with the promise to bring them back, if required, within two years; to do this, however, 'justly and discreetly,' that no riot might ensue."\super 3\nosupersub "The Founding of New Sweden," by Professor C. T. Odhner. Translated by Professor G. B. Keen, Penn. Mag. of History, vol iii., p. 396. The "Kalmar Nyckel" on her second voyage to the colony sailed for Gottenburg, where she arrived in June, 1639. There she was detained more than three months, occasioned by the difficulty of procuring emigrants, cattle, horses, swine, implements for husbandry, and partly because of the negligence of the new commander of the second expedition. Rev. Reorus Torkillus, the first Swedish clergyman in New Sweden, is believed to have been one of the passengers on the vessel, which left Gottenburg in the early autumn of 1639. The ship was obliged to stop at Medemblik to be overhauled, she having sprung a leak, and, afterward, when having put to sea, she was twice compelled to return for repairs, until the crew stated they were not willing to sail in such a vessel and under such a captain. Van Vliet was thereupon discharged, a new crew procured, and Capt. Pouwel Jansen, a Dutchman, given charge of the ship. The "Kalmar Nyckel," after encountering a remarkable storm, that intercepted all navigation in the Zuider-Zee, finally, on Feb. 7, 1640, sailed from the Texel for New Sweden. Lieut. Peter Hollandare, who had been appointed Governor of the province, accompanied the expedition, which, after a voyage of over two months, landed at Christiana on the 17th of April of the same year, where they found the colony planted by Minuit in good condition.\super 4\nosupersub The emigrants who accompanied the second expedition were of the most unpromising character, since Peter Hollandare records that "no more stupid, indifferent people are to be found in all of Sweden than those who are now here," and the domestic animals transported in the ship were few and of poor quality. On Nov. 2, 1640, the ship "Friedenburg," under the command of Capt. Jacob Powellson, having on board a number of Dutch colonists, with Jost Van Bogardt, who emigrated under the auspices of the Swedish crown, cattle, and "other things necessary for the cultivation of the country," arrived in New Sweden. These emigrants occupied land three or four Swedish miles below Christiana. Very little is known of the history of the colony from 1640 to 1643, saving that in 1642 a general sickness prevailed among the Swedish settlers on the Delaware.\super 1\nosupersub Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 76 The "Kalmar Nyckel" returned to Sweden in July, 1640. The home government, in its anxiety to obtain settlers for its American colony, had ordered the Governor of Orebro to prevail upon the unsettled Finns in that province to emigrate with their wives and children to New Sweden, while Mans Kling was instructed from the mining classes, and particularly from among the roaming Finns, who lived free of charge in the homes of the inhabitants of the Swedish forests, to procure settlers to be sent abroad. The third expedition , in the "Kalmar Nyckel" and the "Charitas," sailed for New Sweden in 1641, and a number of the Finns came hither in those vessels. Hence many of the early Swedish settlers were not of a class to be desired as founders of a new empire, for the archives of Sweden disclose the fact that quite a number of criminals and forest-destroying Finns were transported to the Delaware River settlements to rid the mother-country of their presence. The Finns mentioned had, in violation of the mandates of the royal government, set fire to the forests in Varmland and Dal, that they might free the ground of trees to sow grain in the ashes, and for this act they were banished to the New World. Professor Odhner directly asserts that in the province of Skaraborg, a trooper, who was condemned to death for having broken into the monastery gardens at Varnhem, was permitted to make his selection between being hanged or embarking for New Sweden, and as late as 1653\super 2\nosupersub a criminal who had been convicted of killing an elk on the island D'Auland was sentenced to transportation hither. Penna. Archives, 2d series, p. 780, where is given Queen Christina's order of Aug. 11, 1653, directing that Harvey D'Oregrund, a malefactor under sentence of death, be sent to New Sweden. The fourth colony, and the one whose history most intimately connects itself with Delaware County, was that which left Gottenburg on Nov. 1, 1642. This expedition, composed of the ships "Fama" and "Swan," was under the command of Lieut.-Col. John Printz, who had been commissioned Governor of New Sweden, Aug. 15, 1642, with an annual salary of one thousand two hundred dollars in silver and an allowance of four hundred rix-dollars for his expenses. The journey was a long one; "the watery way to the West was not yet discovered, and therefore, for fear of the sand-banks off Newfoundland, the ships which went under the command of Governor Printz sailed along the coast of Africa until they found the eastern passage, then directly over to America, leaving the Canaries high up to the north."\super 3\nosupersub They landed at Antigua, inhabited at "that time 'by Englishmen and negroes, with some Indians,' where they 'spent their Christmas holidays, and were well entertained,'" says Mr. Holm, "'at the Governor's house.' After quitting this seat of 'perpetual summer' (as the same gentleman depicts it) they encountered 'a severe storm,' accompanied at the last 'with snow,' which 'continued about fourteen days,' by which they 'lost three large anchors, a spritsail, and their mainmast, and the ship was run aground; but on the 15th of February, 1643, by God's grace, came up to Fort Christina, in New Sweden, Va.,' in the precise phrase of the historian, 'at two o'clock in the afternoon.' Here the first three Swedish expeditions had established their chief settlement, under Minuit and Hollandare, and here remained a short time also this fourth and greatest of the colonies, enjoying friendly intercourse with fellow-countrymen most glad to welcome them, and happily reposing from the distresses of their long and perilous voyage.'"\super 4\nosupersub Acrelius, "History of New Sweden," p. 41. \super 4\nosupersub Professor G. B. Keen's summary of Printz's voyage, in "Descendants of Joran Kyn," Penna. Mag. of History, vol. ii. p. 326 Under the instructions he had received from the home government, Printz, in the exercise of his discretion, located the seat of government at Tinicum Island, where he built a fort, which he called New Gottenburg, and resided for a time in the fortress, until he built his mansion-house, know in our annals as Printz Hall. On this island the principal inhabitants then had their dwellings and plantations.\super 5\nosupersub With the fort at that place, Printz controlled the passage of the river above Tinicum, and when he, shortly afterward, built Fort Elsenburgh, at Salem Creek, placing therein four brass and iron twelve-pound cannon and one "pots-hooft,"\super 6\nosupersub manned by twelve- soldiers in command of a lieutenant, he rendered the Dutch fortress on the east side of the river above the mouth of the Schuylkill almost useless to the Holland colony, as was fully recognized by Hudde, who reported that Printz had closed "the entrance of the river." Campanius, "History of New Sweden," p. 79. \super 6\nosupersub Hudde's Report, Penna. Archives, 2d series, vol. v. p.104. We are told by Campanius that "In the beginning of Governor Printz's administration there came a great number of those criminals, who were sent over from Sweden. When the European inhabitants perceived it they would not suffer them to set their foot on shore, but they were all obliged to return, so that a great many of them perished on the voyage. This was related to me, amongst other things, by an old, trustworthy man, named Nils Matsson Utter, who, after his return home, served in His Majesty's life-guards. It was after this forbidden, under a penalty, to send any more criminals to America. Lest Almighty God should let his ven- geance fall on the ships and goods, and the virtuous people that were on board."\super 1\nosupersub This statement is in direct conflict with the report of Governor Printz in 1647, for therein he asked instruction for the home authorities "how long the criminals must serve for their crimes,"\super 2\nosupersub and is told that nothing definite can be prescribed respecting that matter, that it is left to his discretion, but those who reform and perform their duty satisfactorily may be allowed the same wages as other free people. "But those who go on in the same wrong way as before and do not exhibit any improvement may have their punishment increased by you, Sir Governor, or may continue to serve without wages."\super 3\nosupersub The voluntary emigrants to New Sweden were of two classes, the freemen, those who were privileged to settle where they chose in the colony and to return to the mother-country at pleasure, and the company's servants, those who were employed at stipulated wages for a designated term. "There was a third, consisting of vagabonds and malefactors; these went to remain in slavery, and were employed in digging the earth, throwing up trenches, and erecting walls and other fortifications. The others had no intercourse with them, but a particular spot was appointed for them to reside upon.\super 4\nosupersub The first year under Printz's administration many of the settlers died, which the Governor states was due to hard work and the scarcity of food.\super 5\nosupersub In four years thereafter (1647) we learn from the report furnished the home government that the total number of whites in the Swedish settlements on the Delaware was one hundred and eighty-three souls. Twenty-eight of the freemen had made settlements, and part of them were provided with oxen and cows. Tobacco seems to have been chiefly the crop grown, for in the return cargo of the "Golden Shark," in that year, was six thousand nine hundred and twenty pounds of tobacco, grown in New Sweden, the rest having been purchased from Virginia. To stimulate this project those persons who cultivated land were exempted by the home government for ten years from taxation. A grist-mill had been erected by Printz in 1643, about a quarter of a mile in the woods at "Kara Kung," otherwise called the Water-Mill stream, "a fine mill, which ground both fine and course flour, and was going early and late. It was the first that was seen in that country."\super 6\nosupersub This mill was located on Crum Creek, and the holes sunk in the rocks to receive the posts supporting the frame-work are still to be seen, near the Blue Bell Tavern, on the Darby Road.\super 7\nosupersub Townsend Ward\super 8\nosupersub tells us that in front of the old portion of the Blue Bell Tavern "is a carriage stepping-stone of considerable historical importance, for it is, perhaps, one of the first millstones used in what is now the territory of Pennsylvania, and was in use before Penn's arrival. The stone is circular in form, with a square hole through its centre. Not far from the inn, and in the bed of the creek, only a few feet west of the old King's (Queen's) road bridge, may be seen the holes, drilled in the rocks, in which were inserted the supports of the ancient mill wherein the stone was used. Mr. Aubrey H. Smith remembers finding, when a boy, a piece of lead weighing seventeen pounds, that had evidently been run, when melted, around an inserted post." Printz was much pleased with the mill, "which runs the whole year, to the great advantage of the country, particularly as the windmill, formerly here before I came, would never work, and was good for nothing."\super 9\nosupersub Not only had he built this needed public improvement, but had caused some waterfalls to be examined as a site for saw- mills below the dam of the grist-mill, as well as three other places where oak-timber grew plentiful. But as he was without the saw-blades, and no person in the colony understood the management of such an establishment, Printz suggested to the home government that it would be worth considering, as a good trade in planking, pipe-staves, and timber could be made with the West Indies and other points, provided a proper vessel was kept in New Sweden to transport those articles to market.\super \nosupersub
History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania. By Henry Graham Ashmead <bios/index.htm> Philadelphia: L. H. Everts & Co. 1884
Sweden was also planning a North American colony. Plans began under King Gustavus Adolphus (reigned 1611-1632) and were put into action during the reign of his daughter Queen Christina (reigned 1632-1654). Two ships, the Kalmar Nykel and the Fogel Grip, left Sweden under command of Pieter Minuet and landed in late March 1638 at "The Rocks," near present-day Old Swedes Church in Wilmington. The colonists built Fort Christina. Although the settlement never contained more than 200 people and never received enough support from home, it survived. Fort Christina became the first permanent European settlement in Delaware. The Swedish and Finnish settlers brought the log cabin to North America. But the Dutch thought the Delaware Valley should be theirs. In 1651, a detachment of Dutch soldiers, commanded by Peter Stuyvesant, came down from New Netherland (now New York). They established Fort Casimir (now New Castle) 7 miles south of Fort Christina. The Dutch built that fort to threaten the Swedes. In 1654, however, the Swedes captured Fort Casimir, and renamed it Fort Trinity. A little over a year later, in 1655, the Dutch took back Fort Casimir and went on to capture Fort Christina. They now controlled the Delaware Valley, and Sweden's dreams of empire were over.
http://www.hsd.org/DHE/DHE_when_settlement.htm
1613: First Dutch Settlers on Manhattan Island 1620: Dutch Trading Post established on Manhattan Island 1625: Fort New Amsterdam established 1626: Pieter Minuet purchased Manhattan for beads and trinkets worth $26.00 He was first Governor of New Amsterdam 1647-1664: Pieter Stuyvesant, Governor of New Amsterdam
• History of Dutch Indies Company. The Dutch in America: From Discovery to the First Settlement, 1609-1621 In 1602 the States General of the United Provinces, known as the Netherlands, chartered the United East India Company (the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, called the VOC) with the mission of exploring for a passage to the Indies and claiming any unchartered territories for the United Provinces. On September 3, 1609 the English explorer Henry Hudson, on behalf of the United East India Company, entered the area now known as New York in an attempt to find a northwest passage to the Indies. He searched every costal inlet and on September 12th took his ship, the Halve Maen (Half Moon), up the river which now bears his name, as far as Albany and claimed the land for his employer. Although no passage was discovered the area turned out to be one of the best fur trading regions in North America. As early as 1611 the Dutch merchant Arnout Vogels set sail in the ship St. Pieter for what was probably the first Dutch trading expedition to the Hudson Bay. This secretive mission was so successful in 1612 Vogels chartered the ship Fortuyn which made two, back to back trips to the area. The initial trip of the Fortuyn was under the command of Captain Adriaen Block. Two months before the Fortuyn returned on her second trip, Adriaen Block landed in Hudson Bay in a different ship. Block did not try to keep his activities a secret, he traded liquor, cloth, firearms and trinkets for beaver and otter pelts; however, before he could leave the Hudson for an early spring crossing to Amsterdam he saw the arrival of another Dutch ship, the Jonge Tobias, under the command of Thijs Volckertsz Mossel. Competition to exploit the newly discovered land was underway. On October 11, 1614 merchants from the cities of Amsterdam and Hoorn formed The New Netherland Company receiving a three year monopoly for fur trading in the newly discovered region from the States General of the United Provinces. In 1615 the company erected Fort Orange on Castle Island near Albany and began trading with the Indians for furs. Although merchants came to New Netherland for business purposes, the area was not colonized and at the end of the three year period the company's monopoly was not renewed. At that point the land was opened to all Dutch traders. Eventually the States General decided to grant an monopoly to a company that would colonized the area. There was a need to have a permanent political presence in their colonies in New Netherland, Brazil and Africa against the possibility of an English, French or Spanish challenge. The Dutch West India Company and Colonization In 1621 the newly incorporated Dutch West India Company (the Westindische Compagnie or WIC) obtained a twenty four year trading monopoly in America and Africa and sought to have the New Netherland area formally recognized as a province. Once provincial status was granted in June of 1623 the company began organizing the first permanent Dutch settlement in New Netherland. On March 29, 1624 the ship, Nieu Nederlandt (New Netherland) departed with the first wave of settlers, consisting not of Dutch but rather of thirty Flemish Walloon families. The families were spread out over the entire territory claimed by the company. To the north a few families were left at the mouth of the Connecticut River, while to the south some families were settled at Burlington Island on the Delaware River. Others were left on Nut Island, now called Governor's Island, at the mouth of the Hudson River, while the remaining families were taken up the Hudson to Fort Orange (Albany). Later in 1624 and through 1625 six additional ships sailed for New Netherland with colonists, livestock and supplies. It soon became clear the northern and southern outposts were untenable and had to be abandoned. Also, due to a war between the Mohawk and Mahican tribes in 1625, the women and children at Fort Orange were forced to move to safety. At this point, in the spring of 1626, the Director General of the company, Peter Minuit, came to the province. Possibly motivated to erect a safe haven for the families forced to leave Fort Orange, at some point between May 4 and June 26, 1626 Minuit purchased the island of Manhattan from the Indians for some 60 guilders worth of trinkets. He immediately started the construction of Fort New Amsterdam under the direction of the company engineer Cryn Fredericksz. Because of the dangers and hardships of life in the new land some colonists decided to return to the homeland in 1628. By 1630 the total population of New Netherland was about 300, many being French speaking Walloons. It is estimated about 270 lived in the area surrounding Fort Amsterdam, primarily working as farmers, while about 30 were at Fort Orange, the center of the Hudson valley fur trade with the Mohawks. New Netherland was a company owned and operated business, run on a for profit basis by the directors of the West India Company. The intent of the firm was to make a profit for the investors who had purchased shares in the company. WIC paid skilled individuals, as doctors and craftsmen, to move to New Netherland and also sent over and paid soldiers for military protection of the settlements; the company also built forts and continually sent over provisions for the settlers. All the New Netherland positions one would usually consider government or public service jobs were, in fact, company jobs held by WIC employees. Laws were made by the company appointed Director General in the province with the consent of the company directors in Amsterdam; even the New Netherland provincial treasury was actually the company treasury. All taxes, fines and trading profits went to the company and the company paid the bills. Basically the company profit was whatever was left after expenses had been paid (it should be noted expenses included ample salaries for the Amsterdam directors). WIC soon discovered the expenses associated with establishing and expanding a new colony were considerable. In order to increase their profit margin the company sought to find what might be thought of as subcontractors. The first attempt at partnerships was the Patroonship plan. The Patroonship plan was first conceived in 1628 as a way to attract more settlers without increasing company expenses. Under the plan a Patroon would be granted a large tract of land and given the rights to the land as well as legal rights to settle all non capital cases, quite similar to a manorial lord. In return the Patroon would agree to bring over settlers and colonize the land at their own expense. No one accepted a patroonship under these conditions because the lucrative fur and fishing trades were left as a monopoly of the company. One of the most prominent Amsterdam merchants and a principle shareholder in the Dutch West India Company, Kiliaen van Rensselear, had the plan modified. In the revised plan issued on June 7, 1629, the terms were much more favorable: colonization requirements were less stringent, the allocation of land to the patroon was larger and there were broad jurisdictional rights over the colonists. Additionally patroons were allowed to trade with New England and Virginia and, most importantly, they were allowed to engage in both the fur trade, subject to a company tax of one guilder per pelt, and could participate in the fish trade. In 1630, with the more favorable terms in place, Kiliaen van Rensselear became Patroon to the largest and most lucrative fur trading area in New Netherland, that is, the area along the Hudson River near Fort Orange, which he named the colony of Rensselaerswyck. Under the Patroonship plan New Netherland continued to expand with more colonists and settlements taking hold. The nerve center of New Netherland was along the Hudson River from New Amsterdam (New York City) northwest to Fort Orange (Albany). The colony of Rensselaerswyck (encompassing the western area beyond the Esopus and up to but not including Beverwyck and Fort Orange) and ajacent areas was the center of the fur trade while New Amsterdam was the shipping hub for Dutch traders. The northern border of New netherland was not well defined but was taken to be the Connecticut River, which they called the Fresh River. Based on this border the Dutch felt they had a claim to New Haven and southern Connecticut; this was clarified at a convention in Hartford in September of 1650 limiting the Dutch to the territory west of Greenwich Bay (similar to the present day border NY-CT border). To the south, New Netherland took all of New Jersey establishing Fort Nassau in 1626 near the southern end of New Jersey (at Gloucester, New Jersey) along the Delaware River, which they called the South River. They also established a whaling village on the southern shore of Delaware Bay called Swanendael (Valley of the Swans) near what is now Lewes, Delaware; although the village was soon destroyed in an Indian raid. The Dutch also constructed Fort Beversrede in 1648 on the Schuylkill River (at Philadelphia) and Fort Casimir in 1651 (at Newcastle, DE) to defend their territory against the Swedes and Finns of the Swedish West India Company in Delaware. In 1655 New Netherland defeated New Sweden and occupied the Swedish stronghold, Fort Christiana (Wilmington). Merchants New Netherland settlers did not come to America because of religious or political persecution, nor were they destitute. They came with the hope of making money. The majority were single males, primarily tradesmen or farmers. The West India Company negotiated to bring these people over because the company felt they would be useful in building an economy that would turn a profit for the company. Also, these individuals felt this was an opportunity whereby they could make their fortune. The West India Company provided cattle, horses, provisions and land to farmers. The farmers repaid the company as soon as possible and after ten years were to give the company one tenth of their crops (Jogues, Narratives, p. 260). For craftsmen, a salary was negotiated and housing arrangements were made, in effect making the individuals company employees. Many colonists started in one profession and either diversified or moved into other more profitable ventures as opportunities presented themselves. Contemporary chronicles noted this entrepreneurial spirit among the colonists. In Father Isaac Jogues's account of his 1643 visit he stated: Trade is free to all; this gives the Indians all things cheap, each of the Hollanders outbidding his neighbor, and being satisfied provided he can gain some little profit. (Narratives, p. 262) The religious reformer, Jasper Danckaerts also noted this desire to trade but had a very different view of who benefitted from trade with the Indians. In his Journal entry for Wednesday, October 18, 1679, while visiting Long Island, Danckaerts gave his personal comments on the mercantile nature of the inhabitants: I must here remark in passing, that the people in this city, who are mostly traders in small articles, whenever they see an Indian enter the house, who they know has any money, they immediately set about getting hold of him, giving him rum to drink, ... They do not rest until they have cajoled him out of all his money, or most of it... And these miserable Christians are so much the more eager in this respect, because no money circulates among themselves, and they pay each other in wares, in which they are constantly cheating and defrauding each other. (Danckaerts, Journal, p. 262) Indeed the mercantile nature of the people even extended to cases where the ministers sent from Holland to care for the spiritual needs of the settlers, took their congregations to court because the parishioners were not forthcoming with the minister's contracted salary (an example from Brooklyn in 1657 is detailed in the commodity section and another example from Albany in 1683 is discussed in the beaver section). In order to tap this resource of entrepreneurship and thereby increase the revenue from the New Netherland settlement, in 1638 the West India Company abandoned its trading monopoly. The company felt it could share the expenses and risks associated with trade by opening up the area to other merchants and collecting fees from them. With the passage of the Articles and Conditions in 1638 and the Freedoms and Exemptions in 1640 the company allowed merchants of all friendly nations to trade in the area, subject to a 10% import duty, a 15% export duty and the restriction that all merchants had to hire West India Company ships to carry their merchandise. Of course the West India Company continued in the fur trade. Some of the first individuals to take advantage of this situation were WIC employees who left the company to act as agents for large Dutch merchant firms and also trade on their own, such as Govert Loockermans and Augustine Heermans. Loockermans was a WIC employee from 1633-1639, when he left the company to become the local agent for both the powerful Verbrugge family and for himself. He was suspected of smuggling on several occassions and incurred several fines and eventually the disapproval of the Verbrugge firm. Heermans first came to New Netherlands in 1633 as a company surveyor in the Delaware region. In 1643 he moved to New Amsterdam where he acted as an agent for the Dutch firm of Gabry and Company and also worked for himself in the fur and tobacco trade. Others WIC employees as Oloff Stevenson van Cortlandt, who had come over in 1637 as a WIC soldier, rose within the company. He was awarded the job of Commissary, supervising the arrival and storage of provisions. In this position he made numerous business contacts and joined in various trading ventures. He was able to acquire several properites within the city of New Amsterdam and by 1648 owned and operated a brewry. Another of these early independent merchants was Arnoldus van Hardenburg, from an Amsterdam merchant family, who came over to make his fortune. Some English colonists also took advantage of the new trading privileges. Isaac Allerton, an original Plymouth settler, who became a founder of Marblehead, Massachusetts went to New Amsterdam as did Thomas Willet of Plymouth. Allerton was knows as an uncrupulous individual who overcharged customers and manipulated his account books. Willet sometimes worked with Allerton and was of the same demeanor, he was once accused of bribing an inspecion official to look the other way while he imported contraband items. Another Englishman, Thomas Hall, had independently moved into the Delaware valley where the Dutch discovered him in 1635 and took him to New Amsterdam as a prisoner. Hall seems to have been released fairly quickly and in 1639 went in partnership with another Englishman, George Holmes, in the acquisition of a tobacco plantation, leading to a career as a tobacco grower and wholesaler (see, Maika, pp. 40-59). A significant difference between these New Netherland merchants and the merchants in the British colonies, as the Hancocks of Boston, was that the New Netherland merchants primarily worked at the local level and never controlled the foreign trade. They did trade on their own when it was possible but more frequently they were employed as agents or suppliers for the major Dutch trading firms. Oliver Rink has identified four firms that controlled more that 50% of the New Netherland to Holland trade during the period from 1640 throughout the Dutch era. These four firms were the merchant houses of Kiliaen van Rensselaer, Gilles and Seth Verbrugge, Dirck and Abel de Wolff and Gillis van Hoornbeeck. These four companies worked together to control most of the profits from the New Netherland trade. In the more prosperous years when there was no threat of war, other Dutch merchants, such as Graby and Company, entered the market, but none keep up the sustained business of these four firms. Kiliaen van Rensselaer was a jeweler, who became a principle shareholder in the West India Company and was twice elected as one of the company's directors. His jewelry company merged with the firm of Jan van Wely, one of the most prominent Amsterdam jewelers. After the death of his first wife Kiliaen remarried van Wely's daughter and obtained access to the vast van Wely fortune. In 1629 after taking on the patroonship of Rensselaerswyck he took part in several New Netherland trading ventures. Kiliaen remained in Amsterdam using local New Netherland merchants as his agents and conducting joint ventures with the Verbrugge and de Wolff families. Also, some family members move to New Netherland to administer the patroonship. After Kiliaen's death in 1643 other family members continued the trade. One of his sons became a naturalized New Netherland citizen and continued to prosper during the British period. Gilles and his son Seth Verbrugge were involved in at least 27 voyages to New Netherland and at least 14 to Virginia, and additionally cosponsored voyages in partnership with English merchants who had dual citizenship in Virginia and New Netherland. Dirck de Wolff was twice elected as a member of the board of directors for the Broker's Guild in Amsterdam and became supervisor of grain prices, setting the daily rates for wheat and rye as well as overseeing imports and exports. Dirck and his son Abel joined with Gerit Jansz Cuyper to trade in New Netherland. Cuyper had married Abel's sister Geertruyd and had previously worked in New Netherland for the Verbrugge family. Cuyper and his wife moved to New Amsterdam shipping furs, lumber and tobacco to Abel who sold these products in Amsterdam. Up to 1651 these Dutch merchants could also trade with New England and Virginia as well as New Netherland. However, once the British instituted the Navigation Acts of 1651, non English ships were no longer allowed to transport goods from English ports. This forced the Verbrugge family to rely on English intermediaries for their Virginia trade, which they finally abandoned in 1656. The Verbrugge family owned their boats and therefore suffered financial losses due to the Navagation Acts. In 1662 they sold off most of their New Netherland assets, including land, warehouse space and ships. The de Wolff family had rented ship space rather than own their own ships and therefore were not as affected by the acts. Also, they were a more diversified operation with profits from the trading of Baltic grain, French wine and African slaves. The family continued to operate in America until about the mid 1670's, when they abandon the market for the more profitable slave trade, although Dirck de Wolff's son in law, Gerit Cuyper, continued to trade in America until his death in 1679. The fourth of major Dutch merchant families to predominate in New Netherland trade, was the firm of Gillis van Hoornbeeck. He entered the market late, first trading in New Netherland in 1656. Van Hoornbeeck had worked closely with the Verbrugge family and was their largest creditor. In fact, he was the executor of the Verbrugge estate when Gilles and Seth both died in 1663. Van Hoornbeeck stepped in as the Verbrugge's were leaving the New Netherland arena. During the ten year period from 1656-1666 his firm was second only to the Rensselear's in volume of trade. Van Hoornbeeck continued to trade in America during the British period but found it prohibitively expensive. Rather than abandon the area he continued trading as a client of various English merchants. When Gillis van Hoornbeeck died in 1688 his family liquidated their American holdings and concentrated on the slave trade (see, Rink, Holland, pp. 172-213). The result of this situation was that a few powerful Amsterdam merchants along with the West India Company controlled New Netherland trade. Oliver A. Rink has succinctly explained the situation as follows: Unlike New England, the individuals largely responsible for exploiting New Netherland's resources were merchants of the home country. Secure in their Amsterdam countinghouses, the merchants grasped control of the colony's lifeline to Holland and held fast. Profits from their enterprises flowed into coffers in Amsterdam, thus depriving New Netherland of capital and the opportunity to develop a viable, colony-based merchant community. (Rink, Holland on the Hudson, pp. 212-213) Demographics Another important element in the New Netherland province that differed from the British colonies was demographics. It has been estimated that probably one half of the population was not Dutch. The size of the province has been estimated at between 2,000 to 3,500 in 1655 growing to a total of about 9,000 by 1664. A significant number of the inhabitants were Germans, Swedes and Finns that emigrated in the period after 1639; a number that was increased by 300 to 500 with the capture of New Sweden on September 24, 1655. The impact of these German and Scandinavian Lutheran immigrants was brought out in a controversy that arose because the Lutherans in Middleburg, Long Island were holding church services without an approved preacher. The New Amsterdam pastors brought this situation to the attention of the Director General, Pieter Stuyvesant at the end of 1655, requesting the services be halted. The dispute dragged on for years until a resolution was formulated by the West India Company directors in Amsterdam. It was decided to permit the Lutherans the right to worship by slightly adjusting the catechism. In order not to offend the Lutherans, the Company bluntly stated the complaining New Amsterdam Calvinist pastors would be replaced by younger ministers who were more liberal, unless the dispute was put aside. There were also about 2,000 English inhabitants in the area of New Netherland, primarily from New England, living on Long Island or in communities along the Connecticut border. The English obtained the Eastern portion of Long Island, (as far as the western end of Oyster Bay) in the border agreement reached at the Hartford Convention of 1650. In fact, five of the ten villages in the vicinity of New Amsterdam were English (namely, Newtown, Gravesend, Hemptead, Flushing and Jamaica while Brooklyn, Flatlands, Flatbush, New Utrecht and Bushwick were Dutch). There were also a number of "half free" African slaves, who were required to make a fixed yearly payment to the company for their freedom. In September of 1654 a group of 23 Jews were brought to New Amsterdam from the colony in Brazil (which was called New Holland), where the Portuguese had just defeated the Dutch West India Company following an eight year rebellion. In 1655, the same year charges were made against the Lutherans, the New Amsterdam preachers requested the province get rid of the Jews. This matter was brough to the company directors in Amsterdam who recommended the Jews be segregated and allowed to practice their religion, but not be permitted to build a synagogue. In this case toleration was granted because some of the Dutch West India Company stockholders were Jewish merchants. In fact, in 1658 when one of these New Netherland Jews, named David de Ferrera, was given a overly harsh punishment for a minor offence, it took the intervention of an important Jewish stockholder in the company, Joseph d'Acosta, to have the punishment reduced. A French Jesuit priest named Father Isaac Jogues visited New Netherland in 1643-1644. After returning to Canada Father Jogues wrote a brief description of New Netherland, completed on August 3, 1646. In his work the ethnic diversity of the island of Manhattan was described as follows: On the island of Manhate, and in its environs, there may well be four or five hundred men of different sects and nations: the Director General told me that there were men of eighteen different languages; they are scattered here and there on the river, above and below, as the beauty and convenience of the spot has invited each to settle: some mechanics however, who ply their trade, are ranged under the fort; all the others are exposed to the incursions of the natives,..." (Narratives, pp. 259-260) British Claims and Conquest As New Netherland prospered the British set their sights on the province, stating they had a claim to the land as part of John Cabot's discoveries. In May of 1498 the Genoese born Cabot, working for Britain, had explored the coast of the new world from Newfoundland, Nova Scotia and New England down to Delaware. As this trip predated Hudson's voyage by over a century the British felt they had prior claim to the land. In the mid Seventeenth century the British and Dutch saw each other as direct competitors, consequently several times during this period they were at war. During the first Anglo-Dutch war of 1652-1654 Oliver Cromwell planed to attack New Netherland with the help of the New England colonists but the plan was never carried out. Following that conflict the two nations continued to be trading rivals and were suspicious of each other. With the restoration of Charles II to the British throne in 1660 the United Netherlands feared an English attack, so in 1662 they made an alliance with the French against the English. In response to this alliance in March of 1664, Charles II formally annexed New Netherland as a British province and granted it to his brother James, Duke of York and Albany (later James II), as Lord Proprietor. The Duke sent a fleet under the command of Sir Richard Nicolls to seize the colony. On September 8, 1664, the Director General Pieter Stuyvesant surrendered Fort Amsterdam and on September 24, 1664, Fort Orange capitulated. Both the city of New Amsterdam and the entire colony were renamed New York, while Fort Amsterdam was renamed Fort James and Fort Orange became Fort Albany. The loss of the New Netherland province led to a second Anglo-Dutch war during 1665-1667. This conflict ended with the Treaty of Breda in August of 1667 in which the Dutch gave up their claim to New Amsterdam in exchange for Surinam (just north of Brazil). Amazingly, within six months, on January 23, 1668, the Dutch made an alliance with Britain and Sweden against the French king Louis XIV, who was trying to capture the Spanish held areas in the Netherlands. However, in May of 1670 Louis XIV made a secret alliance with Charles II (the Treaty of Dover) and in 1672 he made another separate treaty with Sweden. Then on March 17, 1673 Louis and Charles joined together in a war on the United Netherlands. During this war, on August 7, 1673, a force of 600 Dutch soldiers under Captain Anthony Colve entered the Hudson River. The next day they attacked Fort James and took the fort on August 9th. As the British governor, Francis Lovelace, was absent, the surrender was made by Captain John Manning. When Lovelace returned on Saturday August 12th, he was siezed and put in jail. With the fall of the fort the Dutch had retaken New York, they then took control of Albany and New Jersey, changing the name of the area to New Orange in honor of William of Orange. However these gains were temporary, as the lands were restored to the British at the end of the conflict by the Treaty of Westminster on February 9, 1674. The British governor, Major Edmund Andros, arrived in Manhattan on November 1st and gave the Dutch a week to leave. On November 10, the transfer was completed and Governor Colve and his soldiers marched out of the province. From that point the British controlled both the city and province of New York. Indeed, New York City remained the premier British military stronghold in America during the Revolutionary War and was not liberated until the British evacuation in 1783.
Reference Oliver A. Rink, Holland on the Hudson: An Economic and Social History of Dutch New York, Ithaca, NY: Cornell, 1986; Dennis J. Maika, Commerce and Community: Manhattan Merchants in the Seventeenth Century, Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 1995; John Franklin Jameson, Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664, New York: Scribner, 1909.
Andries married Jannetje Sebyns about 1617 in Amsterdam, Noord-Holland, Netherlands. (Jannetje Sebyns was born in 1597 in Amsterdam, Noord-Holland, Netherlands and died about 1657 in New Amsterdam.)
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