John Adams

  Noted events in his life were:

• Revolutionary War. He fought at Bunker Hill, Brandywine and was a part of the Surrender of the English General Cornwallis. Verified by legal documents registring him as a Revolutionary War Soldiar found at Heritage Quest.

The Scottish Irish took part in the Revolutionary War because of their strong negative feelings towards the English and their relationship with them in their own homeland.

• Revolutionary War. Dearest Friend
Sunday June 18 1775 The Day; perhaps the decisive Day is come on which the fate of America depends. my bursting Heart must find vent at my pen. I have just heard that our dear Friend Dr. Warren is no more but fell gloriously fighting for his Country-saying better to die honourably in the field than ignominiously hang upon the Gallows. great is our Loss. He has distinguished himself in every engagement, by his courage and fortitude, by animating the Soldiers & leading them on by his own example -- a particular account of these dreadful, but I hope Glorious Days will be transmitted you, no doubt in the exactest manner.
The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong -- but the God of Israel is he that giveth strength & power unto his people. Trust in him at all times ye people pour out your hearts before him. God is a refuge for us. --Charlstown is laid in ashes. The Battle began upon our intrenchments upon Bunkers Hill, a Saturday morning about 3 oclock & has not ceased yet & tis now 3 o'clock Sabbeth afternoon.
Tis expected they will come out over the Neck to night, & a dreadful Battle must ensue Almighty God cover the heads of our Country men, & be a shield to our Dear Friends. how [many ha]ve fallen we know not-the constant roar of the cannon is so [distre]ssing that we can not Eat Drink or Sleep -- may we be supported and sustaind in the dreadful conflict. I shall tarry here till tis thou[ght] unsafe by my Friends, & then I have secured myself a retreat at your Brothers who has kindly offerd me part of his house. I cannot compose myself to write any further at present -- I will add more as I hear further--
Tuesday afternoon --
I have been so much agitated that I have not been able to write since Sabbeth day. When I say that ten thousand reports are passing vague & uncertain as the wind I believe I speak the Truth. I am not able to give you any authentick account of last Saturday, but you will not be destitute of intelligence -- Coll: Palmer has just sent me word that he has an opportunity of conveyance. incorrect as this scrawl will be, it shall go -- I wrote you last Saturday morning. in the afternoon I received your kind favar of the 2 june and that you sent me by Captn. Beals at the same time, --I ardently pray that you may be supported thro the arduous task you have before you. I wish I could contradict the report of the Doctors Death, but it is a lamentable Truth, -- and the tears of multitudes pay tribute to his memory -- Those favorite lines [of] Collin continually sound [in my Ears.]
Dear and Hon'd Mother
As per my Duty to you, I would inform you on my present state and employment, being rather scrupulous whether you ever may receive these lines, shall give but a short sketch of affairs, which if otherwise I would.
Before these long threat'ned difficulties began among us, I had plan'd out to go to Connecticut where I expected to work the Summer; but the Allwise in his providence hath very differently plann'd my summer work, which I hope may turn to his Glory and my good.
I suppose I need not acquaint you of the manner in which the enemy first approach'd us at Concord, it is more than probable you have had it in print long since. When I was first alarm['d] I was at Westford, whither I went to take leave of my Friends, and settle some affairs that I had in hand, was call'd about Day-light, or a little after, and rode as post that forenoon, before I could get to Concord, after which I pursu'd with the rest and fought that day, tarried at Cambridge that Night, being forbid to go home soon after this there was an Army establish'd all business then being stagnated, and a great deal wholly broke up, I did not know what I could do better than to enlist. Therefore being hearty in the cause, I did it directly (and listed) under Captn Oliver Bates, in Collo Prescott's Regiment with whom I tarried a while till he our Captain was taken sick and went home, when Mr. Joshua Parker by succession took his place, and makes his ground good, in whose company I remain yet, where I do a Clerk or Orderly Sergants business; which requires much care but the Duty is easier, and the pay higher than a private Soldiers --. Friday th 16 of June we were orderd on parade at six 'o Clock, with one days provision and Blankets ready for a March somewhere, but we knew not where but we readily and cheerfully obey'd, the whole that were call'd for, were these three
Collo Prescotts, Frys, and Nicksons Regiments -- after tarrying on parade till Nine at Night, we march'd down, on to Charleston Hill against Copts hill in Boston, where we entrench'd & made a Fort, ten Rods long, and eight wide, with a Breastwork of about eight more, we work'd there undiscovered till about five in the Morning, when we saw our danger, being against Ships of the Line, and all Boston fortified against us, The danger we were in made us think there was treachery and that we were brought there to be all slain, and I must and will say that there was treachery oversight or presumption in the Conduct of our Officers, for about 5 in the morning, we not having more than half our fort done, they began to fire (I suppose as soon as they had orders) pretty briskly for a few minutes, then ceas'd but soon begun again, and fird to the number of twenty minutes, (they killd but one of our Men) then ceas'd to fire till about eleven oClock when they began to fire as brisk as ever, which caus'd many of our young Country people to desert, apprehending the danger in a clearer manner than others who were more diligent in digging, & fortifying ourselves against them. We began to be almost beat out, being fatigued by our Labour, having no sleep the night before, very little to eat, no drink but rum, but what we hazzarded our lives to get, we grew faint, Thirsty, hungry and weary. --The enemy fir'd very warm from Boston, and from on board their Ships till about 2 oClock when they began to fire from Ships that lay in Ferry way and from a ship that lay in the river against us, to stop our reinforcement, which they did in some Measure one cannon cut three Men in two on the neck, Our Officers sent time after time for Cannon from Cambridge in the Morning & could get but four, the Captn of which fir'd a few times then swung his Hat three times round to the enemy and ceas'd to fire, then about three o Clock there was a cessation of the Cannons roaring, soon after we espied as many as 40, boats or barges coming over, full of troops it is supposed there were about 3000 of them, and about 700 of us left, not deserted, besides 500, reinforcement that could not get nigh enough to us to do us any good till they saw that we must all be cut off of some of them then they ventur'd to advance -- When Our officers percievd that the enemy intended to Land, they ordered the Artillery to go out of the fort & prevent, it if possible from whence the Artillery Captn took his pieces and return'd home to Cambridge with much haste, for which he is now confind and it is expected must suffer death. -- The enemy landed, fronted before us, and form'd themselves, in an oblong square in order to surround, which they did in part -- after they were well form'd they advanced towards us in order to swallow us up, but they found a Choaky mouthful of us, 'tho we could do nothing with our small arms as yet for distance, and had but two Cannon, and no Gunner, and they from Boston, and from the shipping firing and throwing Bombs, keeping us down, till they almost surrounded us. -- But God in Mercy to us fought our battle, and tho' we were but few in number, and suffer'd to be defeated by our enemy, yet we were presrev[ed] in a most wonderful manner, far beyond our expectation and to our admiration for out of our Regiment there were but 37 kill'd 4 or 5 taken captive, about forty seven Wounded & Oh may I never forget Gods distinguishing Mercy to me, in sparing my Life, when they fell on my right hand, and on my left, and close by me, they were to the eye of reason no more expos'd than myself. -- When the Arrows of death flew thick around me, I was preserv'd while others were suffer'd to fall a prey to our Cruel enemies O may That God whose Mercy was so far extended in my preservation, grant me his grace to devote my future Life to his divine service Nor do I conclude that the danger is yet over, unless God in his Mercy either remove our enemy, or heal the breach -- but if we should be call'd again to action I hope to have courage and strength to act my part valiently in defence of our Liberties & Country trusting in him who hath hitherto kept me, and hath cover'd my head in the day of battle, and altho' we have lost four out of our Company & several taken captive by the enemy of America, I was not suffer'd to be touch'd I was in the fort when the enemy came in, Jump'd over the wall and ran half a Mile, where balls flew like hail stones and Cannon roar'd like thunder, but tho I escap'd then it may be my turn next after asking your Prayers must conclude wishing you the best of Blessings, still remain your Dutiful Son
Peter Brown

PS, I wish very much to come and see you, 'tis in vain to think of that now, I desire you to write to me, direct to Peter Brown Cambridge, to be left at Colo Prescotts Chambers in the South Colledge, & send by way of Providence to Roxbury from whence it will be likely to come safe my love to Polly Sally & Patty have not leisure to write to them in particular, and Conveyance very uncertain, hope they will excuse me this time --
To day at Cambridge, to morrow
To morrow the Lord only knows where PBrown
[On fold as cover sheet:] Mrs Sarah Brown Newport Rhode Island
Sir
I have recd. a Line from my Brother which informs me of your desire of a particular Account of the Action at Charlestown, it is not in my Power at present to give so minute an Account as I should choose being ordered to decamp and march to another Station.
On the 16 June in the Evening I recd. Orders to march to Breeds Hill in Charlestown with a party of about one thousand Men consisting of 3 hundred of my own Regiment, Coll. Bridge and Lieut Breckett with a Detachment of theirs, and two hundred Connecticut Forces commanded by Capt. Nolten. We arrived at the Spot, the Lines were drawn by the Enginier and we began the Intrenchmant about 12, o Clock and plying the Work with all possible Expodition till Just before sun rising, when the Enemy began a very heavy Canonading and Bombardment, in the Interin the Enginier forsook me, having thrown up a small Redout, found it necessary to draw a Line about 20 Rods in length from the Fort Northerly, under a very Warm Fire from the Enemys Artilary, About this Time the above Field Officers being indisposed could render me but Little Service, and the most of the Men under their Command deserted the Party. The Enemy continuing an incessant Fire with their Artilary. About 2, o Clock in the afternoon on the seventeenth the Enemy began to land a northeasterly Point from the Fort, and I ordered the Train with 2 field Pieces to go and oppose them and the Connecticut Forces to support them but the Train marched a different Course & I believe those sent to their support followd, I suppose to Bunkers Hill, another party of the Enemy landed and fired the Town, There was a party of Hampshire in conjunction with some other Forces Lined a Fence at the distance of three score Rods of the Fort partly to the North, about an Hour after the Enemy landed they began to march to the Attack in three Columns. I commanded my Lieut Coll. Robinson & Majr. Woods Each with a detachment to flank the Enemy, who I have reason to think behaved with prudence and Courage.
I was now left with perhaps 150 Men in the Fort, the Enemy advanced and fired very hotly on the Fort and meating with a Warm Reception there was a very smart firing on both sides. after a considerable Time finding our Amunition was almost spent I commanded a sessation till the Enemy advanced within 30 yards when we gave them such a hot fire, that they were obliged to retire nearly 150 yards before they could Rally and come again to the Attack. Our Amunition being nearly exausted could keep up only a scattering Fire. The Enemy being numerous surrounded out little Fort began to mount our Lines and enter the Fort with their Bayonets, we was obliged to retreat through them while they kept up as hot a fire as it was possible for them to make. We having very few Bayonets could make no resistance. We kept the fort about one hour and twenty Minutes after the Attack with small Arms. This is nearly the State of Facts tho' imperfect & too general which if any ways satisfactory to you will afford pleasure to your most obedient humble Servt.,
William Prescott
To the honble John Adams Esqr.
[Docketed:] Coll. Prescott. Aug. 25. 1775

• Revolutionary War. John enlisted in the 2nd virginia State Regiment in Louisa County, Virginia in 1778 and served under Col. Dabney and was in the battles of Bunker Hill, Brandywine, and the surrender of Gen.Cornwallis

The 2nd Virginia Regiment was raised on July 17 </wiki/July_17>, 1775 </wiki/1775> at Williamsburg, Virginia </wiki/Williamsburg%2C_Virginia> as a state militia unit and later for service with the Continental Army </wiki/Continental_Army>. The regiment saw action at the Battle of Great Bridge </wiki/Battle_of_Great_Bridge>, Battle of Trenton </wiki/Battle_of_Trenton>, Battle of Princeton </wiki/Battle_of_Princeton>, Battle of Brandywine </wiki/Battle_of_Brandywine>, Battle of Germantown </wiki/Battle_of_Germantown>, Battle of Monmouth </wiki/Battle_of_Monmouth> and the Siege of Charleston </wiki/Siege_of_Charleston>. Most of the regiment was captured at Charlestown, South Carolina </wiki/Charlestown%2C_South_Carolina> on May 12 </wiki/May_12>, 1780 </wiki/1780> by the British and the regiment was formally disbanded on November 15 </wiki/November_15>, 1783 </wiki/1783>.

• Revolutionary War. I must refer you to the public papers for the particulars of an Action that has been very fatal to the 1st Battalion of Marines, as well as to most of the Corps concern'd in it. On the 17th. Inst. we were order'd to March to the North Battery in Boston, & there to wait till order'd to Embark for Charles Town side, & which was done as soon as the Grenadiers & Light Infantry of the Army had Landed & form'd in good order on the Plain, at a proper and safe distance from a Redoubt, that was render'd more formidable, by the difficult Access to it, as it stood on the summit of a Hill rising Gradually from its Base, cover'd with Trees stone walls, & Rails. As soon as our Battalion were in the Boats Major Pitcairn gave directions to be landed, as near the Redoubt as possible, as the Light Infantry had then (tho' at a great distance) began the Attack. we Landed accordingly where we were attack'd before I cou'd get those in the first Boat form'd, however, we soon form'd into tolerable order with the Loss of one Man only, and then March'd into a Field where we form'd in Line with the 43rd. & 47th. Regts. and were then order'd to shelter ourselves by laying on the Grass. We were soon order'd to advance and attack the natural defences of the Redoubt and to storm that also at all Events. we gain'd Ground on the Enemy but slowly, as the Rails Hedges & stone walls, broke at every time we got over them and several Men were shot, in the Act of climbing them, we at length overcame these difficulties with very little loss till we came to the Talus of the Redoubt at the bottom of which was a Road with Hedges & Trees on each side besides a low stone wall, on the part we were Jumbled together. I say Jumbled, as the March over the Rails &c. had shifted the 47th Regt. (that was on our Right on leaving the low Ground) in such a manner as to divide the 2 Companies on the right of our Battalion from the other 6 on the Left; but as they were nearly in a Column of Files we were not far asunder: in this situation we received a Check (tho' with retreating an Inch) from the very heavy and severe Fire from the Enemy in the Redoubt, and in this Spot we lost a number of Men, besides the irreparable loss of poor Major Pitcairne, whose worth I never was sensible of till that day we remaind about Ten Minutes or near a Quarter of an Hour in this dangerous situation, where the poor Fellows were kill'd as I was directing the Files how to level their Fire, at length half mad with standing in this situation & doing nothing towards Reducing the Redoubt, I requested Colnel Nesbit to form upon our Left in order that we might advance to the Enemy with our Bayonets without firing: this was with difficulty perform'd and Captain Campbell coming up at this Instant, and forming upon our Right we mounted the Hedges without firing a Shot, and ran directly up the Talus, got into the Ditch and mounted the Parapet. Here let me stop and mourn for a Moment the loss of my dear, and amiable Friend Archy Campbell, for here he fell, poor Ellis also on this fatal spot perform'd his last services to his Country, Shea rece'd also his mortal wound here, and Chudleigh Ragg, & Dyer were also wounded in this Attack. I cannot pretend to describe the Horror of the Scene within the Redoubt when we enter'd it, 'twas streaming with Blood & strew'd with dead & dying Men the Soldiers stabbing some and dashing out the Brains of others was a sight too dreadful for me to dwell any longer on; therefore I must now tell you that the Enemy retreated to a very strong brest work, where they had 3 pieces of Artillery but they were drove from it soon tho' with great loss on our part, particularly among the Officers, as you will see by the Papers. after the Enemy, (who were from 5 to 7000,) had retreated we took post on the Heights, set fire to Charles Town and other adjacent Houses and lay on our Arms all that Night, & the next we lay on the Ground, and then Encamp'd on the Field of Battle or rather in the Front of it, where we are now strongly intrench'd and as the Post we occupy is a strong one, I do not think the Rebels, after their defeat, will attempt to insult us. I cannot pretend to describe any part of the Action, but what was immediately where we were concern'd. and I believe, and am almost certain that the 2 Companies of our right wing with Campbells Light Company, and part of the 47th. & 43rd. Regts. were the first Troops that mounted the Parapet, and had we push'd at it sooner, in small Columns, without firing I am persuaded that our loss wou'd not have been any thing like what it is. Logan with his Granadiers was on our Right and suffer'd very much. He is wounded, so is Brisbane, and Gardner, the other Officer of the Company is Kill'd. Avarnes Company of Grenadiers also suffer'd exceedingly poor Finnie Kill'd, & Avarne wounded David Johnston of the 1st Battalion is also much wounded. Jessy Adair was one of the first who mounted the Parapet and behaved very Gallantly. Tell Colonel Collins that as David has written to him, I suppose He has fiven him an account of this Matter therefore, as I have not a Moments time to myself I hope he will excuse my not writing him on this Occasion, And I wish you wou'd be so good as to send Macneal a Copy of this Letter as twill answer for him as well as for you pray do this and believe me &ca.
Waller, Adjutant of Marines

Diary of Nathaniel Ober, June 17, 1775
the 14d.
A fine Shour this Day nothing Remarkabel
the 15d
Nothing Remarkabel to Day
the 16d,
We hear that our Peopel took a Number of arms at Feledelfa and our Peopel Began to intrench on Dogester Neck Nothing more to Day,
The 17d
Our People and The Kings Trops Began a warme ingaigment about three a Clock this after none this was a melancly Day not only a grait numbr of our Braive frinds fel But a grait Deal of Substance was Consumed by fire for our unatrel Enemies Sat fier to the Town of Charlstown wich Consumed almost Every house in that town: But it is Said that we Ciled in the Batel 29 Comishand offesers and 220 non Comishand offesers and 752 Privets So grait was the Fall of our Enemys How are the might Falen,
June 18, 1775 letter from James Warren to Mercy Otis Warren
My Dear Mercy Watertown June 18th. 1775
The Extraordinary Nature of the Events which have taken place in the last 48 Hours has Interrupted that steady & only Intercourse which the situation of publick affairs allows me. the Night before last our Troops possessd. themselves of a Hill in Charlestown & had time only to heave up an Imperfect Breastwork the regular Troops from the Batterys in Boston & two Men of War in the Ferryway began early next Morning a Heavy Fire on them which was Continued till about Noon when they Landed a large number of Troops & after a Stout resistance & great Loss on their side dispossessd. our Men, who with the Accumulated disadvantages of being Exposed to the fire of their Cannon & the want of Ammunition & not being supported by fresh Troops were obliged to abandon the Town & retire to our Lines towards Cambridge to which they made a very handsome Addition last Night. with a Savage Barbarity never practised among Civilized Nations they fired & have Utterly destroyed the Town of Charlestown. We have had this day at Dinner another Alarm that they were Advancing on our Lines after having reinforced their Troops with their Horse, &c., & that they were out at Roxbury we Expected this would have been an Important day. they are reinforced but have not Advanced, so things remain at present as they were we have killed many men & have killed & wounded about [six] hundred by the best accounts I can get. Among the first of which to our inexpressible Grief is my Friend Doctor Warren who was killd. it is supposed in the Lines on the Hill at Charlestown in a Manner more Glorious to himself than the fate of Wolf on the plains of Abraham. Many other officers are wounded and some killd. it is Impossible to describe the Confusion in this place, Women & Children flying into the Country, armed Men Going to the field, and wounded Men returning from there fill the Streets. I shant Attempt a description -- your Brother borrowed a Gun, &c., & went among the flying Bullets at Charlestown retd. last Evening 10 o'Clock. The Librarian got a slight wound with a musket Ball in his Hand. Howland has this minute come in with your Letter. The Continental Congress have done & are doing every thing we can wish. Dr. Church recd. last Evening & Brot. resolutions for assuming Govt. & for supplying provisions & powder, & he tells us tho under the rose that they are contemplating & have perhaps finished the Establishmt. of the Army & an Emission of money to pay & support them, & he thinks the Operations of yesterday will be more than sufficient to Induce them to recommend the Assumtion of new forms of Govt. to all the Colonies I wish I could be more perticular. I am now in a Committee of Importance. & only steal time to add Sentences seperately. I feel for my Dear Wife least her Apprehensions should hurt her health be not Concerned about me. take care of your Self. you can secure a retreat & have proper Notice in Season. & if you are safe & the Boys I shall be happy fall what will to my Interest. I cant be willing you should come into this part of the Country at present. I will see you as soon as possible can't say when, the Mode of Govt. prescribd. is according to the last Charter. some are quite satisfied with it you know I wishd. for a more perfect one, it is now Monday Morning. I hear nothing yet but the roaring of Cannon below. but no Body regards them I need not say that I long to see you. perhaps never more in my life. I shall try hard for it this week I hope your Strawberries are well taken care of & that you have fine feasting on them. Your Brother is waiting for Freeman, who with all his patriotism has left us for 10 days. I have Letters from both Mr Adams & Cushing. I can't Inclose them, because I must answer them when I can get oppt. I am calld. on & must Conclude with my wishes & prayers for your Happiness & with Love to my Boys & regards to Friends Your Aff: Husband,
Jas: Warren S:
Adams is very unwell -- the Jaundice to a great degree & his Spirits somewhat depressd. Church hopes he will recover. I hope some of us will survive this Contest.
Church has put into my hands A Curious lett. full of Interesting Intelligence I wish I could give it to you you may remember to ask me about it & the author. I have shewn it to Coll Otis if he goes before me enquire of him. Your Brother Jem dined with us yesterday behaved well till dinner was almost done. & then in the old way got up went off where I know not. has been about at Cambridge & Roxbury several days
Adieu.
[Docketed on verso:] June 18th 1775

• Revolutionary War. June 19, 1775 letter from Joseph Palmer to John Adams.

My dear Frd. I thank you for your Several favors, the last of which, the 10th Inst., I just now recd. -- I have not had time to write, & thro' abundant business my health has Sometime[s] been reduced; I now write in Comtee of Safety, a few lines at a time as I can; all the business in this Comtee has been done by only 6 or 7 Members, upon whom it has fallen very heavy, public business having pressed upon us very hard. To See the distress occasioned by the late measures of Administra: is enough to melt a heart of adamt: Carts are continually passing in every direction from the Sea-Coast, loaded with Beds, Chairs, Pots, Kettles, & a thousand &ca's, with Women & Children in the midst. Great part of the Sea Coast is thin'd of Inhabitants, & most people have removed their most valuable effects. Mr Cranch'es Family, & mine, are yet at Vertchild's House: they visit Germantown now and then: I have been with my family only 2 Nights since the 20th March. You recd from Congress the particulars of the battle of Lexington; Since which the affair of Noddles Island, (& several other smaller Skirmishes) has taken place; in all which, we had greatly the advantage; accounts of which you have doubtless received. But on Saturday last, the 17th, the Regulars attacked us upon one of the Charlestown Hills, where we had begun to entrench, & obliged us to retreat, by means of their Ships & Floating Batterys, we having no large Cannon to match theirs; the Cannon we cou'd have had, if we had had Gunpowder enough to Spare, but we had not more than Sufficient for the Field Pieces & Musquetry; however, the Enemy have not much to boast; for' tho' they kept the Field, & took from us 4 or 5 ps, 3 Pounders, yet they lost, by the best acctts we can yet obtain: about 500 kill'd & wounded, & among the former are, as we have reason to believe, Several Officers of distinction: our loss in numbers is not great: by the best acctts we yet have, about 60 or 70 kill'd & missing; but -- among these is -- what Shall I say! how Shall I write the name of our worthy Friend, the great & good Dr W-----. You will hear by others who will write tomorrow, such particulars as I am not possessed of: Soon after the Regulars landed, the Set Fire to the Town of Charlestown, & that day, yesterday & this Day they have consumed [m]ost of the Houses as far as Penny-Ferry; and they have possession of all that part of Charlestown, & are encamped upon Bunker's Hill; & we are encamped upon Prospect Hill, Winters Hill, & at the Bridge leading to Inman's, Phips's &c. Yesterday & this day, they have Cannonnaded us, but to no purpose; & our people, by Small Parties have picked off some of their out Guards: We expect another action very soon. Do send us Powder, & then we Shall, by the blessing of Heaven, soon destroy this Hornets Nest. This put me in mind of Saltpetre: J Greenleaf Esqr, & Messrs John Peck & Wm. Frobisher, are now, by encouragemt from Congress, gone to Brookfield, upon Colo. Foster's Este, where is Supposed to be a very large Bed of fine Earth, such as is described to be in the E: Indies, Strongly impregnated with Nitre: The like is discovered in Several other places. I must beg you to Send the best process of making it.-- Adieu my dear Friend, & assure Messrs. Hancock, Adams, Paine &c, that I shou'd be glad to hear often, how, what, & all about the Political World in which I am deeply engaged; & that I remain Your & Their Sincere Friend & very humbl. Sert:
J: Palmer
J Adams Esqr

[In the hand of John Adams:]
Earth dug up from under a Stable, put into a Tub, as ashes for Lye -- Fill'd with Water. Stand 24 Hours -- Then leaked off Slowly -- Then boil'd for one Hour -- Then run thro another Tub text of ashes. I.e. filtrated thro the ashes a Small Quanitity, not to stand -- Then put into a Kettle and boiled, untill it grows yellow -- Then drop it on a cold stone or cold Iron, and it will christallise for a Proof -- Then set it by in Trays in cool Places -- Then it will christallise -- and the Salt Petre is formed --
[On covering sheet:]
To John Adams Esqr: Philadelphia
[Docketed:]
John [Joseph] Palmer X
June 19. 1775

June 25, 1775 letter from John Burgoyne to Lord Stanley
The following Description of the Action near Boston, on the 17th of June, is taken from a Letter written by General Burgoyne to his Nephew Lord Stanley. "Boston, June 25, 1775. "Boston is a peninsula, joined to the main land only by a narrow neck, which on the first troubles Gen. Gage fortified; arms of the sea, and the harbour, surround the rest: on the other side one of these arms, to the North, is Charles-Town (or rather was, for it is now rubbish), and over it a large hill, which is also, like Boston, a peninsula: to the South of the town is a still larger scope of ground, containing three hills, joining also to the main by a tongue of land, and called Dorchester Neck: the heights as above described, both North and South, (in the soldier's phrase) command the town, that is, give an opportunity of erecting batteries above any that you can make against them, and consequently are much more advantageous. It was absolutely necessary we should make ourselves masters of these heights, and we proposed to begin with Dorchester, because from particular situation of batteries and shipping (too long to describe, and unintelligible to you if I did) it would evidently be effected without any considerable loss: every thing was accordingly disposed; my two colleagues and myself (who, by the bye, have never differed in one jot of military sentiment) had, in concert with Gen. Gage, formed the plan: Howe was to land the transports on one point, Clinton in the center, and I was to cannonade from the Causeway, or the Neck; each to take advantage of circumstances: the operations must have been very easy; this was to have been executed on the 18th. On the 17th, at dawn of day, we found the enemy had pushed intrenchments with great diligence, during the night, on the heights of Charles-Town, and we evidently saw that every hour gave them fresh strength; it therefore became necessary to alter our plan, and attack on that side. Howe, as second in command, was detached with about 2000 men, and landed on the outward side of the peninsula, covered with shipping, without opposition; he was to advance from thence up the hill which was over Charles-Town, where the strength of the enemy lay; he had under him Brigadier-General Pigot: Clinton and myself took our stand (for we had not any fixed post) in a large battery directly opposite to Charles-Town, and commanding it, and also reaching to the heights above it, and thereby facilitating Howe's attack. Howe's disposition was exceeding soldier-like; in my opinion it was perfect. As his first arm advanced up the hill, they met with a thousand impediments from strong fences, and were much exposed. They were also exceedingly hurt by musquetry from Charles-Town, though Clinton and I did not perceive it, till Howe sent us word by a boat, and desired us to set fire to the town, which was immediately done. We threw a parcel of shells, and the whole was instantly in flames. Our battery afterwards kept an incessant fire on the heights: it was seconded by a number of frigates, floating batteries, and one ship of the line.
"And now ensued one of the greatest scenes of war that can be conceived: if we look to the height, Howe's corps ascending the hill in the face of entrenchments, and in a very disadvantageous ground, was much engaged; and to the left the enemy pouring in fresh troops by thousands, over the land; and in the arm of the sea our ships and floating batteries cannonading them: strait before us a large and a noble town in one great blaze; the church steeples, being of timber, were great pyramids of fire above the rest; behind us the church steeples and heights of our own camp covered with spectators of the rest of our army which was not engaged; the hills round the country covered with spectators; the enemy all anxious suspence; the roar of cannon, mortars, and musquetry; the crush of churches, ships upon the stocks, and whole streets falling together in ruin, to fill the ear; the storm of the redoubts, with the objects above described, to fill the eye; and the reflection that perhaps a defeat was a final loss to the British empire in America, to fill the mind; made the whole a picture and a complication of horror and importance beyond any thing that ever came to my lot to be witness to. I much lament Tom's* absence:--it was a fight for a young soldier that the longest service may not furnish again: and had he been with me he would likewise have been out of danger; for, except two cannon balls that went an hundred yards over our heads, we were not on any part of the direction of the enemy's shot. A moment of the day was critical: Howe's left were staggered; two battalions had been sent to reinforce them, but we perceived them on the beach seeming in embarrassment what way to march; Clinton, then next for business, took the part, without waiting for orders, to throw himself into a boat to head them; he arrived in time to be of service, the day ended with glory, and the success was most important, considering the ascendancy it gave the regular troops; but the loss was uncommon in officers for the numbers engaged.
" Howe was untouched, but his aid-de-camp Sherwin was killed; Jordan, a friend of Howe's, who came, engage du coeur, to see the campaign, (a ship-mate of ours on board the Cerberus, and who acted as aid-de-camp) is badly wounded. Pigot was unhurt, but he behaved like a hero. You will see the list of the loss. Poor Col. Abercrombie, who commanded the grenadiers, died yesterday of his wounds. Capt. Addison, our poor old friend, who arrived but the day before, and was to have dined with me on the day of the action, was also killed; his son was upon the field at the time. Major Mitchell is but very slightly hurt; he is out already; young Chetwynd's wound is also slight. Lord Percy's regiment has suffered the most, and behaved the best; his Lordship himself was not in the action:--Lord Roden behaved to a charm; his name is established for life."
* His nephew, the Hon. Tho. Stanley, Esq; (and brother to Lord Stanley), who is gone a volunteer to Boston, in his Majesty's service.
By an Express arrived at Philadelphia on Saturday evening, last we have the following account of the battle at Charlestown, on Saturday the 18th of June, Instant.
On Friday night, the 17th Instant, fifteen hundred of the Provincials went to Bunker's-Hill, in order to intrench there, and continued intrenching till Saturday ten o'clock, when 2000 Regulars marched out of Boston, landed in Charlestown, and plundering it of all its valuable effects, set fire to it in ten different places at once; then dividing their army, part of it marched up in the front of the Provincial intrenchment, and began to attack the Provincials at long shot; the other part of their army marched round the town of Charlestown, under cover of the smoke occasioned by the fire of the town. The Provincial centries discovered the Regulars marching upon their left wing. Upon notice of this given by the centry to the Connecticut forces posted upon that wing, Captain Nolton, of Ashford, with 400 of paid forces, immediately repaired to, and pulled up a post and rail-fence, and carried the posts and rails to another fence, put them together for a breast work. Captain Nolton gave orders to the men not to fire until the enemy were got within fifteen rods, and then not till the word was given. At the words being given, the enemy fell surprisingly; it was thought by spectators who stood at a distance, that our men did great execution.
The action continued about two hours, when the Regulars on the right wing were put in confusion and gave way;---the Connecticut troops closely pursued them, and were on the point of pushing their bayonets, when orders were received from General Pomeroy, for those who had been in action for two hours to fall back, and their places to be supplied by fresh troops.---These orders being mistaken for a direction to retreat, our troops on the right wing began a general retreat, which was handed to the left, the principal place of action, where Captains Nolton, Chester, Clark and Putnam, had forced the enemy to give way, and were before them for some considerable distance, and being warmly pursuing the enemy, were, with difficulty, persuaded to retire; but the right wing, by mistaking the orders, having already retreated, the left, to avoid being encirculed, were obliged to retreat also with the main body. They retreated with precipitation across the causeway to Winter's-Hill, in which they were exposed to the fire of the enemy, from their shipping and floating batteries.---We sustained our principal loss in passing the causeway. The enemy pursued our troops to Winter's-Hill, where the Provincials being reinforced by General Putnam, renewed the battle with great spirit, repulsed the enemy with great slaughter, and pursued them until they got under cover of their cannon from the shipping. When the enemy returned to Bunker's-Hill, and the Provincials to Winter's-Hill, where after intrenching and erecting batteries, they on Monday began to fire upon the Regulars on Bunker's-Hill, and on the ships and floating batteries in the harbour when the Express came away. The number of Provincials killed is between 40 and 70; 140 are wounded, of the Connecticut troops 16 were killed.---No officer among them was either killed or wounded, excepting Lieutenant Grosvenor, who was wounded in the hand. A Colonel, or Lieutenant Colonel of the New-Hampshire forces, is among the dead. It is also said that Doctor Warren is undoubtedly among the slain.
The Provincials lost three iron fix-pounders, some intrenching-tools, and a few knapsacks.
The number of Regulars which at first attacked the Provincials on Bunker's-Hill was not less than two thousand, the number of the Provincials was only fifteen hundred, who it is supposed would soon have gained a compleat victory, had it not been for the unhappy mistake already mentioned. The regulars were afterwards reinforced with a thousand men. It is uncertain how great a number of the regulars were killed or wounded; but it was supposed by the spectators, who saw the whole action, that there could not be less than four or five hundred killed. Mr. Gardner, who got out of Boston on Sunday evening, says, that there were five hundred men brought into that place the morning before he came out.
This account was taken from Elijah Hide, of Lebanon, who was a spectator on Winter's Hill, during the whole action.
May 3. A Gentleman in London has received a letter from Jamaica, which brings advice, that a Spanish man of war, of 70 guns, commanded by Don Fernandon, had taken an armed schooner, and two merchant vessels, belonging to Jamaica, and carried them into the Havannah.-----The account further says, that the Spanish men of war and frigates, are continually making depredations on the English merchant ships in the West-Indies, whom they plunder of what they think proper.
May 4. We are told that on Tuesday an Express arrived, which brought an account that several Spanish men of war of the line, and two frigates, were arrived at old Gibraltar, which belongs to the Spaniards, and is within gun-shot of Gibraltar. They are all clean ships, compleatly manned, have a number of troops on board, and give out they are going on an expedition against the Moors.
June 26th, 1775. LANCASTER: Printed by Francis Bailey

• Revolutionary War. Name: Battle of Brandywine (Sullivan's Defense)

Region: Philadelphia and its Countryside/Lehigh Valley

County Location: Chester

Marker Location: PA 842 at intersection SR 3061 SW of West Chester

Dedication Date: March 18, 1952

Marker Text
After fording the branches of the Brandywine, British troops under Cornwallis turned SE here early in the afternoon to attack the rear of the American right wing under Sullivan, 3 miles downstream. Conflicting intelligence reports on this movement prevented formation of a proper defense by Sullivan.

Behind the Marker
Relying on local Tory farmers to guide them, British troops had discovered a route for crossing the branches of the river much closer to the Continental Army than the Americans had anticipated. This discovery handicapped George Washington because he received reports that appeared to be conflicting, but were probably simply confused by this critical misunderstanding.
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This antique postcard is from the Brandywine Battlefield park, a historic site...
Credit: Courtesy Pennsylvania State Archives
By midday on September 11th, Washington had received several dispatches about "a large body of the enemy" heading north up the Great Valley Road. The American commander mistakenly believed those troops would have to travel at least twelve miles to ford the creek and flank his positions, thus giving him enough time to launch a preemptive assault from Chad's Ford. Then he received a note from General John Sullivan at about one o'clock, reporting that one of his scouts had "heard nothing of the Enemy above [or, possibly, about] the Fords of the Brandywine" and remained "confident" that they were not in the vicinity. The message, and its meaning, perplexed Washington and remains difficult to analyze even today, because of difficulties in transcription [original document] <odocument.php?docId=45>. The question was, had the British divided their forces or not? One officer from Sullivan's staff, who insisted that they had done so, recalled that Washington simply "laughed at my intelligence." A local patriot named Thomas Cheyney, who had actually been fired upon near Trimble's Ford, claimed that he practically begged Washington to believe that Howe's troops were, in fact, close at hand. "You're mistaken, General," Cheyney reportedly cried out when Washington indicated his skepticism. "My life for it you're mistaken. By hell! It's so."
Continued dispatches from the area near Sconnelltown finally convinced Washington that his forces were in danger of being flanked much closer than he had expected. He ordered Sullivan to hastily consolidate the right wing of the American lines in order to face the impending assault. He also hurried to the area himself, which was near the Birmingham Friends Meeting House, and dispatched other reinforcements to the scene, setting the stage for the final fierce fight in the Battle of Brandywine.
http://www.explorepahistory.com/hmarker.php?markerId=222

• Revolutionary War. 1777. THURSDAY FEBY. 6TH.
Lodged last night for the first Time in my new Quarters, at Mrs. Ross'es in Markett Street, Baltimore a few Doors below the fountain Inn.
The Gentlemen from Pensilvania and Maryland, complain of the growing Practice of distilling Wheat into Whisky. They say it will become a Question whether the People shall eat bread or drink Whisky.
The Congress sits in the last House at the West End of Market Street, on the South Side of the Street. A long Chamber, with two fire Places, two large Closets, and two Doors. The House belongs to a Quaker, who built it for a Tavern.
7TH. FRYDAY.
Dined, about half a Mile out of Town at Mr. Lux's, with Dr. Witherspoon, Mr. S. Adams, Mr. Lovell, Mr. Hall, Dr. Thornton, a Mr. Harrison, Dr. and Mr. George Lux, and two Ladies Mrs. Lux and her Sister. This Seat is named Chatworth, and an elegant one it is. Has a large Yard, inclosed with Stone in Lime, and before the Yard two fine Rows of large Cherry Trees, which lead out to the public Road. There is a fine Prospect about it. Mr. Lux and his Son are sensible Gentlemen. I had much Conversation with George about the new form of Government adopted in Maryland.

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George is the young Gentleman, by whom I sent Letters to my friends from Philadelphia, when the Army was at Cambridge, particularly to Coll. Warren, whom and whose Lady Lux so much admired.
The whole Family profess great Zeal in the American Cause. Mr. Lux lives like a Prince.
1777. FEB. 8. SATURDAY.
Dined at the Presidents, with Mr. Lux, Messrs. Samuel and Robert Purveyance, Capt. Nicholson of the Maryland Frigate [the Virginia], Coll. Harrison, Wilson, Mr. Hall -- upon New England Salt fish. The Weather was rainy, and the Streets the muddiest I ever saw. -- This is the dirtyest Place in the World -- our Salem, and Portsmouth are neat in Comparison. The Inhabitants, however, are excusable because they had determined to pave the Streets before this War came on, since which they have laid the Project aside, as they are accessible to Men of War. This Place is not incorporated. It is neither a City, Town, nor Burrough, so that they can do nothing with Authority.

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1777. FEBY. 9. SUNDAY.
Heard Mr. Allison. In the Evening walked to Fells Point, the Place where the Ships lie, a kind of Peninsula which runs out, into the Bason which lies before Baltimore Town. This Bason 30 Years ago was deep enough for large Tobacco ships, but since then has fill'd up, ten feet. Between the Town and the Point, We pass a Bridge over a little Brook which is the only Stream which runs into the Bason, and the only flux of Water which is to clear the away the Dirt which flows into the Bason from the foul streets of the Town and the neighbouring Hills and Fields. There is a breast Work thrown up upon the Point, with a Number of Embrasures for Cannon facing the Entrance into the Harbour. The Virginia Frigate Captn. Nickolson, lies off in the Stream. There is a Number of Houses upon this Point. You have a fine View of the Town of Baltimore from this Point.
On my Return, I stopped and drank Tea at Captn. Smiths, a Gentleman of the new Assembly.

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1777 FEB. 16.
Last Evening I supped with my Friends Dr. Rush and Mr. Sergeant at Mrs. Page's over the Bridge. The two Coll. Lees, Dr. Witherspoon, Mr. Adams, Mr. Gerry, Dr. Brownson, made the Company. They have a Fashion in this Town of reversing the Picture of King G. 3d, in such Families as have it. One of these Topsy Turvy Kings was hung up in the Room, where we supped, and under it were written these Lines, by Mr. Throop, as we were told.
Behold the Man who had it in his Power
To make a Kingdom tremble and adore
Intoxicate with Folly, See his Head
Plac'd where the meanest of his Subjects tread
Like Lucifer the giddy Tyrant fell
He lifts his Heel to Heaven but points his Head to Hell.
FEB. 17 MONDAY.
Yesterday, heard Dr. Witherspoon upon redeeming Time. An excellent Sermon. I find that I understand the Dr. better, since I have heard him so much in Conversation, and in the Senate. But I perceive that his Attention to civil Affairs, has slackened his Memory. It cost him more Pains than heretofore to recollect his Discourse.

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Mr. H. [Hancock] told C.W. [Colonel Whipple?] Yesterday, that he had determined to go to Boston in April. Mrs. H. was not willing to go till May, but Mr. H. was determined upon April. -- Perhaps the Choice of a Governor, may come on in May. . . What aspiring little Creatures we are! -- how subtle, sagacious and judicious this Passion is! how clearly it sees its object, how constantly it pursues it, and what wise Plans it devises for obtaining it!
1777 FEB. 21 FRYDAY
Dined Yesterday at Mr. Samuel Purveyances. Mr. Robert his Brother and Lady, the President and Lady, the two Coll. Lees and their Ladies, Mr. Page and his Lady, Coll. Whipple, Mrs. K. Quincy, a young Gentleman and a young Lady made the Company. A great Feast. The Virginia Ladies had Ornaments about their Wrists, which I dont remember to have seen before. These Ornaments were like Miniature Pictures, bound round the Arms with some Chains.
This Morning received a long Card from Mr. H. expressing great Resentment about fixing the Magazine at Brookfield, against the Book binder and the General. The Complaisance to me and the Jealousy for the Massachusetts in this

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Pop-up large image <doc.cfm?id=D28&mode=popuplg&pop=D28_6> Message, indicate to me, the same Passion and the same design, with the journey to B. [Boston] in April.
1777. FEB. 23.
Took a Walk with Mr. Gerry, down to a Place called Ferry Branch, a Point of Land which is formed by a Branch of the Patapsco on one Side and the Basin before the Town of Baltimore on the other. At the Point is a Ferry, over to the Road which goes to Anapolis. This is a very pretty Walk. At the Point you have a full view of the elegant, splendid Seat of Mr. Carroll Barrister. It is a large and elegant House. It stands fronting looking down the River, into the Harbour. It is one Mile from the Water. There is a most beautifull Walk from the House down to the Water. There is a descent, not far from the House. You have a fine Garden -- then you descend a few Steps and have another fine Garden -- you go down a few more and have another. It is now the dead of Winter, no Verdure, or Bloom to be seen, but in the Spring, Summer, and fall this Scæne must be very pretty.
Returned and dined with Mr. William Smith a new Member of Congress. Dr. Lyon, Mr. Merriman,

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Pop-up large image <doc.cfm?id=D28&mode=popuplg&pop=D28_7> Mr. Gerry, a son of Mr. Smith, and two other Gentlemen made the Company. The Conversation turned, among other Things, upon removing the Obstructions and opening the Navigation of Susquehannah River. The Company thought it might easily be done, and would open an amazing Scæne of Business. Philadelphia will oppose it, but it will be the Interest of a Majority of Pensilvania to effect it.
This Mr. Smith is a grave, solid Gentleman, a Presbyterian by Profession -- a very different Man from the most of those We have heretofore had from Maryland.
The Manners of Maryland are somewhat peculiar. They have but few Merchants. They are chiefly Planters and Farmers. The Planters are those who raise Tobacco and the Farmers such as raise Wheat &c. The Lands are cultivated, and all Sorts of Trades are exercised by Negroes, or by transported Convicts, which has occasioned the Planters and Farmers to assume the Title of Gentlemen, and they hold their Negroes and Convicts, that is all labouring People and Tradesmen, in such Contempt, that they think themselves a distinct order of Beings. Hence they never will suffer their Sons to labour or learn any Trade, but they bring them up in Idleness or what is worse in Horse Racing, Cock fighting, and Card Playing.

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1777. FEB. 28. FRYDAY.
Last Evening had a good deal of free Conversation, with Mr. R. Purveyance. He seems to me to have a perfect Understanding of the affairs of this State. Men and Things are very well known to him.
The object of the Men of Property here, the Planters &c., is universally, Wealth. Every Way in the World is sought to get and save Money. Landjobbers -- Speculators in Land -- [illegible] little Generosity to the Public -- little public Spirit.
FEB. 29.

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SEPTR. 15. 1777. MONDAY.
Fryday the 12, I removed from Captn. Duncans in Walnutt Street to the Revd. Mr. Sprouts in Third Street, a few doors from his Meeting House. Mr. Merchant from Rhode Island boards here, with me. Mr. Sprout is sick of a Fever. Mrs. Sprout, and the four young Ladies her Daughters, are in great Distress on Account of his Sickness, and the Approach of Mr. Howes Army. But they bear their Affliction with christian Patience and philosophic Fortitude. The young Ladies are Miss Hannah, Olive, Sally and Nancy. The only Son is an Officer in the Army. He was the first Clerk in the American War office.
We live in critical Moments! Mr. Howes Army is at Middleton and Concord. Mr. Washingtons, upon the Western Banks of Schuylkill, a few Miles from him. I saw this Morning an excellent Chart of the Schuylkill, Chester River, the Brandywine, and this whole Country, among the Pensilvania Files. This City is the Stake, for which the Game is playd. I think, there is a Chance for saving it, although the Probability is against Us. Mr. Howe I conjecture is waiting for his Ships to come into the Delaware. Will W. attack him? I hope so -- and God grant him Success.

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1777. SEPT. 16. TUESDAY.
No Newspaper this Morning. Mr. Dunlap has moved or packed up his Types. A Note from G. Dickinson that the Enemy in N. Jersey are 4000 strong. How is about 15 miles from Us, the other Way. The City seems to be asleep, or dead, and the whole State scarce alive. Maryland and Delaware the same.
The Prospect is chilling, on every Side. Gloomy, dark, melancholly, and dispiriting. When and where will the light spring up?
Shall We have good News from Europe? Shall We hear of a Blow struck by Gates? Is there a Possibility that Washington should beat How? Is there a Prospect that McDougal and Dickinson should destroy the Detachment in the Jersies?
From whence is our Deliverance to come? Or is it not to come? Is Philadelphia to be lost? If lost, is the Cause lost? No -- the Cause is not lost -- but it may be hurt.

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I seldom regard Reports, but it is said that How has marked his Course, from Elke, with Depredation. His Troops have plunderd Henroosts, dairy Rooms, the furniture of Houses and all the Cattle of the Country. The Inhabitants, most of whom are Quakers, are angry and disappointed, because they were promised the Security of their Property.
It is reported too that Mr. How lost great Numbers in the Battle of the Brandywine.
1777. SEPTR. 18. THURSDAY.
The violent N.E. Storm which began the Day before Yesterday continues. We are yet in Philadelphia, that Mass of Cowardice and Toryism. Yesterday was buryed Monsr. Du Coudray, a French Officer of Artillery, who was lately made an Inspector General of Artillery and military Manufactures with the Rank of Major General. He was drowned in the Schuylkill, in a strange manner. He rode into the Ferry Boat, and road out at the other End, into the River, and was drowned. His Horse took fright. He was reputed the most learned and promising Officer in France. He was carried into the Romish Chappell, and buried in the Yard of that Church.

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This Dispensation will save Us much Altercation.

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1777. SEPTR. 19. FRYDAY.
At 3 this Morning was waked by Mr. Lovell, and told that the Members of Congress were gone, some of them, a little after Midnight. That there was a Letter from Mr. Hamilton Aid de Camp to the General, informing that the Enemy were in Possn. of the Ford and the Boats, and had it in their Power to be in Philadelphia, before Morning, and that if Congress was not removed they had not a Moment to loose.
Mr. Merchant and myself arose, sent for our Horses, and, after collecting our Things, rode off after the others. Breakfasted at Bristol, where were many Members, determined to go the Newtown Road to Reading. We rode to Trenton where We dined. Coll. Harrison, Dr. Witherspoon, all the Delegates from N.Y. and N.E. except Gerry and Lovell. Drank Tea at Mr. Spencers, lodged at Mr. S. Tuckers, at his kind Invitation.
SEPTR. 20. SATURDAY.
Breakfasted at Mrs. J. B. Smiths. The old Gentleman, his Son Thomas the Loan Officer, were here, and Mrs. Smith's little Son and two Daughters. An elegant Break fast We had of fine Hyson, loaf Sugar, and Coffee &c.

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Dined at Williams's, the Sign of the Green Tree. Drank Tea, with Mr. Thompson and his Lady at Mrs. Jacksons. Walked with Mr. Duane to General Dickinsons House, and took a Look at his Farm and Gardens, and his Greenhouse, which is a Scæne of Desolation. The floor of the Greenhouse is dug up by the Hessians, in Search for Money. The Orange, Lemon and Lime Trees are all dead, with the Leaves on. There is a spacious Ball Room, above stairs a drawing Room and a whispering Room. In another Apartment, a huge Crash of Glass Bottles, which the Hessians had broke I suppose. -- These are thy Tryumphs, mighty Britain. -- Mr. Law, Mr. Hancock, Mr. Thompson, Mr. were here. Spent the Evening at Williams's and slept again at Tuckers.
Mrs. Tucker has about 1600£ st. in some of the Funds in England, which she is in fear of loosing. She is accordingly, passionately wishing for Peace, and that the Battle was fought once for all &c. Says that, private Property will be plundered, where there is an Army

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Pop-up large image <doc.cfm?id=D28&mode=popuplg&pop=D28_15> whether of Friends or Enemies. That if the two opposite Armys were to come here alternately ten times, she would stand by her Property untill she should be kill'd. If she must be a Beggar, it should be where she was known &c. This kind of Conversation shews plainly enough, how well she is pleased, with the State of Things.
1777 SEPTR. 21. SUNDAY.
It was a false alarm which occasioned our Flight from Philadelphia. Not a Soldier of Howes has crossed the Schuylkill. Washington has again crossed it, which I think is a very injudicious Maneuver. I think, his Army would have been best disposed on the West Side of the Schuylkill. If he had sent one Brigade of his regular Troops to have heald the Militia it would have been enough. With such a Disposition, he might have cutt to Pieces, Hows Army, in attempting to cross any of the Fords. . . How will not attempt it. He will wait for his Fleet in Delaware River. He will keep open his Line of Communication with Brunswick, and at last, by some Deception or other will slip unhurt into the City.

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Burgoine has crossed Hudsons River, by which Gen. Gates thinks, he is determined at all Hazards to push for Albany, which G. Gates says he will do all in his Power to prevent him from reaching. But I confess I am anxious for the Event, for I fear he will deceive Gates, who seems to be acting the same timorous, defensive Part, which has involved us in so many Disasters. -- Oh, Heaven! grant Us one great Soul! One leading Mind would extricate the best Cause, from that Ruin which seems to await it, for the Want of it.
We have as good a Cause, as ever was fought for. We have great Resources. The People are well tempered. One active masterly Capacity would bring order out of this Confusion and save this Country.
1777. MONDAY. SEPTR. 22.
Breakfasted at Ringolds in Quaker Town, dined at Shannons in Easton at the Forks, slept at Johnsons in Bethlehem.
1777. TUESDAY. SEPTR. 23
Mr. Okeley [Okely], Mr. Hassey [Hassel] and Mr. Edwine [Ettwein] came to see me. Mr. Edwine shewed Us, the Childrens Meeting at half after 8 o Clock. Musick, consisting of an Organ and Singing in the German Language. Mr. Edwine gave a Discourse in German and then the same in English.

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Mrs. Langley shewed Us the Society of Single Women. Then Mr. Edwine shewed Us the Water Works and the Manufactures. There are six Setts of Works in one Building. An Hemp Mill, an Oil Mill, a Mill to grind Bark for the Tanners.
Then the Fullers Mill, both of Cloth and Leather, the Dyers House, and the Shearers House. They raise a great deal of Madder. We walked among the Rowes of Cherry Trees, with spacious orchards of Apple Trees on each Side of the Cherry Walk. The Society of Single Men have turned out, for the sick.
1777 WEDNESDAY SEPT. 24
Fine Morning. We all went to Meeting last Evening, where Mr. Edwine gave the People a short discourse in German, and the Congregation sung and the organ playd. There were about 200 Women and as many Men. The Women sat together in one Body and the Men in another. The Women dressed all alike. The Womens Heads resembled a Garden of white Cabbage Heads.

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1777. THURSDAY. SEPTR. 25
Rode from Bethlehem through Allan Town, Yesterday, to a German Tavern, about 18 Miles from Reading. Rode this Morning to Reading, where We breakfasted, and heard for certain that Mr. Howes Army had crossed the Schuylkill. Coll. Hartley gave me an Account of the late Battle, between the Enemy and General Wayne. Hartley thinks that the Place was improper for Battle, and that there ought to have been a Retreat.

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1777 SATURDAY NOVR. 15TH.
At Willis's at the Log Goal in New Jersey 28 miles from Easton.
1777 TUESDAY NOVR. 11. Sett off from York Town -- reached Lancaster.
12. From Lancaster to Reading. Slept at Gen. Mifflins.
13. Reached Strickser's.
14. Dined at Bethlehem. Slept at Easton at Coll. Hoopers. Supped at Coll. Deans.
Met Messrs. Elery and Dana and
Coll. Brownon the 15 a few miles on this Side of Reading.
We have had 5 days of very severe Weather, raw, cold, frosty, snowy. This cold comes from afar. The Lakes Champlain and George have been boisterous, if not frozen. Will the Enemy evacuate Tia. [Ticonderoga]? Are they supplied with Prov. [Provisions] for the Winter? Can they bring em from Canada? by Water or Ice? Can they get them in the Neighbouring Country?
Can We take Mt. Independence in the Winter?

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MONDAY. NOVR. 17 1777.
Rode Yesterday from Logg Jail, Willis's, breakfasted at Hoffmans, at Sussex Ct. House, and supped and lodged at David McCamblys, 34 miles from Willis's. -- The Taverners all along are complaining of the Guard of Light Horse which attended Mr. H. [Hancock]. They did not pay, and the Taverners were obliged to go after them, to demand their Dues. The Expence, which is supposed to be the Countrys, is unpopular. The Torys laugh at the Tavern keepers, who have often turned them out of their Houses for abusing Mr. H. They now scoff at them for being imposed upon by their King, as they call him. -- Vanity is allways mean. Vanity is never rich enough to be generous.
Dined at Brewsters, in Orange County, State of New York. Brewsters Grandfather, as he tells me, was a Clergyman and one of the first Adventurers to Plymouth. He died at 95 Years of Age, a Minister on Long Island, left a son, who lived to be above 80 and died leaving my Landlord, a son who is now I believe between 60 and 70.

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Pop-up large image <doc.cfm?id=D28&mode=popuplg&pop=D28_23> The Manners of this Family are exactly like those of the N.E. People. A decent Grace before and after Meat -- fine Pork and Beef and Cabbage and Turnip.
TUESDAY NOVR. 18 1777.
Lodged at Brooks's, 5 Miles from the North River. Rode to the Continental Ferry, crossed over, and dined at Fish Kill, at the Drs. Mess, near the Hospital, with Dr. Sam. Adams, Dr. Eustis, Mr. Wells, &c. It was a feast -- Salt Pork and Cabbage, roast Beef and Potatoes, and a noble suit Pudding, Grog and a Glass of Port.
Our best Road home is through Litchfield and Springfield.
Morehouses is a good Tavern, about 24 Miles, 3 or 4 Miles on this Side of Bulls Iron Works. 50 Miles to Litchfield.

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Captn. Storms 8 Miles. -- Coll. Vandeboroughs 5. -- Coll. Morehouses 9. -- Bulls Iron Works 4. no Tavern. -- Cogswells Iron Works 10 -- a Tavern. -- Litchfield, 8. -- Cross Mount Tom to get to Litchfield.
WEDNESDAY NOVR. 19. 1777.
Dined at Storms, lodged last night and breakfasted this Morning Loudouns at Fish Kill. Here We are at Coll. Morehouses's a Member of Assembly for Dutchess County.
THURSDAY NOVR. 20.
To Harrwington [Harwinton] Phillips's 5 Miles. -- To Yales in Farmington 5. -- To Humphreys in Simsbury 7 miles. -- To Owens in Simsbury 7 miles. -- To Sheldons in Suffield 10. -- Kents in Suffield 5. -- To Springfield 10.

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NOVR. 21.
To Hays's Salmon Brook 5. miles. -- To Southwick, Loomis, 6. -- To Fowlers 3. miles. -- To Westfield, Claps, 4 miles. -- To Captn. Claps, 4 miles this Side N.H. -- To North Hampton, Lymans or Clarks.

• Revolutionary War. The Surrender of Cornwalis
(1781)


Lord Cornwallis to Sir Henry Clinton.
Yorktown, October 20, 1781
I have the mortification to inform your Excellency that I have been forced to give up the posts of York and Gloucester, and to surrender the troops under my command, by capitulation on the 19th inst. as prisoners of war to the combined forces of America and France.

I never saw this post in a very favourable light, but when I found I was to be attacked in it in so unprepared a state, by so powerful an army and artillery, nothing but the hopes of relief would have induced me to attempt its defence; for I would either have endeavoured to escape to New-York, by rapid marches from the Gloucester side, immediately on the arrival of General Washington's troops at Williamsburgh, or I would notwithstanding the disparity of numbers have attacked them in the open field, where it might have been just possible that fortune would have favoured the gallantry of the handful of troops under my command. But being assured by your Excellency's letters that every possible means would be tried by the navy and army to relieve us, I could not think myself at liberty to venture upon either of those desperate attempts; therefore, after remaining for two days in a strong position in front of this place, in hopes of being attacked, upon observing that the enemy were taking measures which could not fail of turning my left flank in a short time, and receiving on the second evening your letter of the 24th of September informing that the relief would sail about the 5th of October, I withdrew within the works on the night of the 29th of September, hoping by the labour and firmness of the soldiers to protract the defence until you could arrive. Every thing was to be expected from the spirit of the troops, but every disadvantage attended their labour, as the works were to be continued under the enemy's fire, and our stock of intrenching tools, which did not much exceed four hundred when we began to work in the latter end of August, was now much diminished.
The enemy broke ground on the night of the 30th and constructed on that night, and the two following days and nights, two redoubts, which, with some works that had belonged to our outward position, occupied a gorge between two creeks or ravines, which come from the river on each side of the town.
On the night of the 6th of October they made their first parallel, extending from its right on the river to a deep ravine on the left, nearly opposite to the center of this place and embracing our whole left at the distance of six hundred yards. Having perfected this parallel, their batteries opened on the evening of the 9th against our left, and other batteries fired at the same time against a redoubt advanced over the creek upon our right and defended by about one hundred and twenty men of the 23d Regiment and marines, who maintained that post with uncommon gallantry. The fire continued incessant from heavy cannon and from mortars and howitzes, throwing shells from eight to sixteen inches, until all our guns on the left were silenced, our work much damaged, and our loss of men considerable.
On the night of the 11th they began their second parallel, about three hundred yards nearer to us. The troops being much weakened by sickness as well as by the fire of the besiegers, and observing that the enemy had not only secured their flanks but proceeded in every respect with the utmost regularity and caution, I could not venture so large sorties as to hope from them any considerable effect; but otherwise I did every thing in my power to interrupt this work, by opening new embrazures for guns and keeping up a constant fire with all the howitzes and small mortars that we could man.
On the evening of the 14th, they assaulted and carried two redoubts that had been advanced about three hundred yards for the purpose of delaying their approaches and covering our left flank, and during the night included them in their second parallel, on which they continued to work with the utmost exertion.
Being perfectly sensible that our works could not stand many hours after the opening of the batteries of that parallel, we not only continued a constant fire with all our mortars and every gun that could be brought to bear upon it, but a little before daybreak on the morning of the l6th I ordered a sortie of about three hundred and fifty men under the direction of Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie to attack two batteries, which appeared to be in the greatest forwardness, and to spike the guns. A detachment of guards with the Eightieth Company of Grenadiers, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Lake attacked the one, and one of light infantry under the command of Major Armstrong attacked the other, and both succeeded by forcing the redoubts that covered them, spiking eleven guns, and killing or wounding about one hundred of the French troops, who had the guard of that part of the trenches, and with little loss on our side. This action, though extremely honourable to the officers and soldiers who executed it, proved of little public advantage, for the cannon, having been spiked in a hurry, were soon rendered fit for service again, and before dark the whole parallel and batteries appeared to be nearly complete.
At this time we knew that there was no part of the whole front attacked on which we could show a single gun, and our shells were nearly expended; I therefore had only to chuse between preparing to surrender next day or endeavouring to get off with the greatest part of the troops, and I determined to attempt the latter, reflecting that though it should prove unsuccessful in its immediate object, it might at least delay the enemy in the prosecution of further enterprizes. Sixteen large boats were prepared, and upon other pretexts were ordered to be in readiness to receive troops precisely at ten o'clock. With these I hoped to pass the infantry during the night, abandoning our baggage, and leaving a detachment to capitulate for the town's people and the sick and wounded; on which subject a letter was ready to be delivered to General Washington.
After making my arrangements with the utmost secrecy, the light infantry, greatest part of the Guards and part of the Twenty-Third Regiment landed at Gloucester; but at this critical moment the weather, from being moderate and calm, changed to a most violent storm of wind and rain and drove all the boats, some of which had troops on board, down the river. It was soon evident that the intended passage was impracticable, and the absence of the boats rendered it equally impossible to bring back the troops that had passed; which I had ordered about two in the morning. In this situation, with my little force divided, the enemy's batteries opened at daybreak. The passage between this place and Gloucester was much exposed, but the boats having now returned, they were ordered to bring back the troops that had passed during the night, and they joined us in the forenoon without much loss.
Our works in the mean time were going to ruin, and not having been able to strengthen them by abbatis, nor in any other manner but by a slight fraizing which the enemy's artillery were demolishing wherever they fired, my opinion entirely coincided with that of the engineer and principal officers of the army, that they were in many places assailable in the forenoon, and that by the continuence of the same fire for a few hours longer, they would be in such a state as to render it desperate with our numbers to attempt to maintain them. We at that time could not fire a single gun. Only one eight-inch and little more than an hundred cohorn shells remained. A diversion by the French ships of war that lay at the mouth of York River was to be expected. Our numbers had been diminished by the enemy's fire, but particularly by sickness, and the strength and spirits of those in the works were much exhausted by the fatigue of constant watching and unremitting duty.
Under all these circumstances, I thought it would have been wanton and inhuman to the last degree to sacrifice the lives of this small body of gallant soldiers, who had ever behaved with so much fidelity and courage, by exposing them to an assault, which from the numbers and precautions of the enemy could not fail to succeed. I therefore proposed to capitulate.

John married Susanna Parrish on 4 Jun 1778 in Louisa County, Virginia. (Susanna Parrish was born on 14 Jan 1758 in Virginia and died on 20 Mar 1846 in Garrard County, Kentucky.)